Aramaic-Az
ted to Hebrew and even more closely related to each other. Several chap-
ters worth of Aramaic is found in the books of Ezra, and Daniel, and a
verse in Jeremiah, as well as isolated words elsewhere. In the New Tes-
tament, such phrases as alitha cumi, Marana tha, and Eloi, Eloi, lama
sabach thani are in contemporary Aramaic, and much of what is written in
Greek was translated literally from Aramaic.
Aram is mentioned as an area northeast of Syria, as early as 2500
B. C. We have evidence of nomads called Suti raiding and wandering into
this area at this time and even earlier; they may be the Arameans' ances-
tors. The Semitic people found living there were called Arameans by Tig-
lath-pileser around 1100 simply because of where they were living.
The Old Testament associates the patriarchs with these Arameans
through the confession that every Israelite is called on to make: “A wande-
through the confession that every Israelite is called on to make: “A wande-
ring Aramean was my father (Deut. 26.5).” In the 1100s B.C. such groups
were establishing more or less settled communities all along the Tigris and
Euphrates, across the entire width of the Arabian Peninsula, and into Pale-
stine. By the 1000s B. C., they had succeeded in establishing little king-
doms, and some in northern Syria learned alphabetic writing from the ear-
lier settled Canaanites.
At first, they wrote in the Canaanite language; eventually they sim-
ply used the Canaanite alphabet to write in their own language, which we
see in inscriptions dating from the 900s and 800s B. C. In this discussion
we will divide Aramaic into 4 groups: (a) Old Aramaic; (b) Official Aramaic;
(c) Levantine (Syrian and Palestinian) Aramaic; and (d) Eastern Aramaic.
Old Aramaic is the language of the inscriptions from northern Syria,
Old Aramaic is the language of the inscriptions from northern Syria,
dating from the 900s to the 700s B.C. When they ceased writing in the
Canaanite language, these Arameans wrote in stone using their local dia-
lect. After this dialect, Official Aramaic began to appear as a common lan-
guage in governmental offices, a simple, standard Aramaic for correspon-
dence throughout the Assyrian Empire. Once this type of Aramaic was re-
cognized as “official,” the Aramaic-speaking people in various parts of the
Empire would quite naturally begin to use it themselves. Evidence of this
Aramaic is found in the Bible, in Greece, and in Egypt.
This Official Aramaic continued in use throughout the Neo-Babylo-
nian period (605-538 B. C.) and the Persians, while they used their own
language in royal inscriptions, used Aramaic as the official language from
538-330 B. C. from the Persian Gulf in the east to Egypt in the west, and
from Palestine in the south to the Ural Mountains in the north. And it was
used for writing stories as well as legal documents. It is highly probable
that the book of Daniel was originally written in Aramaic, for the Hebrew
portions show in many places indications that they were translated from
Aramaic.
Official Aramaic continued in use throughout the Hellenistic period
(330-30 B. C.). Greek gradually ousted Aramaic, but the Nabateans and
Palmyrenes used Aramaic well into the Christian era, and Palestinians
used Aramaic in resistance to the penetration of Greek culture into their re-
gion. In any case, the Aramaic used in each region was influenced by the
native language of that region.
Levantine Aramaic seems to have come increasingly into everyday
use in Syria and Palestine, so that by the time the exiles returned, it had re-
placed Hebrew as the commonly understood language. This Aramaic was
the popularly spoken language in New Testament times, in spite of wide-
spread use of Greek. The dialect spoken daily by Jesus and the disci-
ples was Galilean Aramaic, which, as is noted in Matthew, was recogniza-
bly different from the southern dialect spoken in and around Jerusalem.
Much of the Samaritan religious literature is in Hebrew and Arabic,
but the Samaritans have a Targum to the Pentateuch in their own dialect,
which is close to the Galilean dialect. Palestinian Christians doubtless
continued to use the local dialect among themselves, but the new religion's
official language was Greek. In Christian villages in the Anti-Lebanon, a
Levantine Aramaic dialect is still the house language of people who in pub-
lic use their neighbors' Arabic.
The nomadic Arameans who invaded the Tigris-Euphrates region
had their own local dialects. There was Babylonian Jewish Aramaic,
which we see in part of the Babylonian Talmud. There is Mandaean, a
dialect of a people in by the same name. And there was Syriac, which be-
came the Christian dialect of Eastern Aramaic. As the language of the
scholarly center at Edessa, particularly when a Christian school succee-
ded the pagan school, it developed in to a literary language of some im-
portance.
Dialects of Eastern Aramaic still survive among Christian groups in
and near the mountains, although they have been heavily influenced by
common use of Arabic and Turkish, and by the Syriac used in their church.
The Aramaic script, which was developed from the Canaanite script, has
in a sense been parent and grandparent to many alphabets. Among them
are the Greek, Latin, Cyrillic (Russian), Coptic, Mongol, Manchu, Tibetan,
Armenian, Georgian, and Arabic alphabets.
A-56
ARAMEANS (ארמים) Arameans were a Semitic people, traditionally regar-
ded as descendants of Shem. The actual origin of the Arameans is ob-
scure; perhaps they were part of the nomads' mass migration that moved
northward through the western margins of the Syrian Desert toward
Egypt, Canaan, and the Euphrates. River.
As early as the First Dynasty in Egypt (around 3100 B. C.), the no-
mads appeared. Later, around 2700 B.C., the nomads, or Sutu as they
were called, were in Assyria. Sutu was used to describe both Arameans
and Amorites. The nomads were called Ahlame (confederates) around
1400 B.C. “Arameans” is probably a label the Assyrians gave to a small
group of nomads found in the land of Arame, northeast of Syria in the Ar-
menian foothills.
Some nomads thrusted toward Egypt , some moved eastward to-
ward Lower Babylonia . Most Arameans raided the Euphrates region from
Rapiqu northwestward along the full course of the river, seeking entrance
into Mesopotamia. Many of their settlements were named beginning with
the word Bit and followed by the name of the tribe's hereditary leader.
From Suhu westward to Carchemish, small Aramean groups settled
along the Euphrates as early as 1132-1115 B. C., and were difficult to
keep out of Mesopotamia. When Assyrian power broke around 990-975
B. C., the Arameans seized their chance to invade, and by the time the
Assyrians came back to power in the 800s B. C., their states were so well
established that they could resist successfully and not be easily removed.
The kingdom of Bit-Adini (called Beth-eden in the Bible) was one
such state, located on both sides of the Euphrates river. It blocked Assy-
ria's westward expansion to the Mediterranean and very early became a
leader of the western Arameans. It also contains Haran, which is the an-
cestral home of Abraham. Although he settled in Canaan, it was from his
Aramean kinsmen that he chose the Aramean Rebekah as wife for Isaac,
and Isaac sent Jacob, the “wandering Aramean” to the same area for a
wife. So the Arameans Rebekah, Leah, and Rachel became the ance-
stors of the Hebrew people.
By the time of the judges (around 1225-1020 B. C.), there was a
strong concentration of Arameans around the sources of the Jordan.
They occupied the northern and northeastern borders of the land claimed
by the Hebrews. The Aramean kingdom of Geshur provided David with a
wife and the mother of Absalom. Associated with Zobah and Maacah
against David were the Arameans of Aram-beth-rehob. These Arameans
were hired by Ammon against David. Most Aramean groups were small
city-states relatively weak by themselves, entering mostly into temporary
alliances to meet an existing threat.
Damascus, a fruitful oasis in the plain below the Anti-Lebanon
mountains, was long an important “head of Syria,” a trade center that was
economically and culturally rich and politically strategic. Tradition sug-
gests Abraham passed through it on the way to Hebron . David con-
quered Damascus and garrisoned it. When it was strong, it demanded
commercial concessions from its neighbors. Proximity to Israel often
brought conflicts of interests. When the Jewish kingdom split into Israel
(north) and Judah (south), 1st Judah would hire Damascus against Israel,
and then Israel would make an alliance with Damascus against Judah.
Israel was strongly represented as an ally of many Aramean states
against Assyria at the Battle of Qarqar (853 B.C.).
So long as the large Aramean states still organized and led coali-
tions, such tactics were successful. But a series of strong Assyrian kings
destroyed Aramean resistance and ultimately converted their states into
parts of Assyrian provinces. Bit-Adini, mentioned earlier, fell to Shalmane-
ser III in 856 B.C. Hamath's Arameans, north of Damascus, were among
those who replaced the Samarians who were exiled. When the Assyrian
officer in 701 B. C., before besieged Jerusalem boastfully recalled the hu-
miliation of mighty Hamath and Arpad, Aramean political power in the west
was gone forever.
The great cultural contributions of the Arameans survived their na-
tional existence. They absorbed cultural elements of their neighbors, and
in their shifting around, spread them wherever they went. They borrowed
the alphabet from the Phoenicians, developed their own peculiar forms of
it and transmitted it to the Persians, Hebrews, Arabs, and others. The sim-
plicity and efficiency of the Aramaic language and alphabet vanquished
the more difficult, cumbersome cuneiform scripts of the Akkadians and the
Persians.
In Babylon, a soldier wrote his report from Babylon in Aramaic, and
an Assyrian officer was expected to be able to converse in the language.
When the Persians came to power, they recognized the value of the Ara-
maic script and language, and helped spread their use. Most of the Ara-
maic writing that archaeologists have found today was not written by Ara-
means, but by those who borrowed their valuable tools. Aramaic was the
language spoken in common by all the people of Palestine in the time of
Jesus.
ARAMITESS (ארמיה, Aramean woman) A designation of Manasseh's concu-
bine, mother of Machir.
ARAN (רןא) The second son of the Horite clan chief Dishan.
A-57
ARARAT (אררט) A country in the general district of Armenia; its Assyrian
name is Uratu. Uratu rose in importance as a political unit in the 800s
B. C. Ashurnasirpal II (884-859) refers to Uratu as the boundary of his
conquests. His successor Shalmaneser III (859-824) made inroads into
Urartian territory on his campaigns, which are shown on Balawat's bronze
gates. During Assyria's weak period after Shalmaneser, Uratian power ex-
panded considerably. Citadels were ingeniously constructed out of a
combination of masonry and rock cuttings. Uratia made itself felt as far
west as northern Syria; Assyria lost several provinces to them.
Under Tiglath-pileser, the Uratian king Sarduri was defeated when
he tried to come to the rescue of Arpad in 743 B. C. Assyria re-conquered
its ground in Uratu. Sarduri escaped to his capital Turushpa on Lake Van,
which Tiglath-pileaser failed to capture. The most famous campaign
against Urartu was conducted by Sargon (722-705); he captured Musasir,
a city which was ruled by a King Urzanu.
The Cimmerians were also invading Uratu. Attention was diverted
from the Armenian front; and the later history of Uratu is marked by the fur-
ther threat of invasions. Although the Uratian kings of the 600s B. C. were
still active in building new citadels, the final destruction was brought about
by Median attacks of the early 500s, after which Uratu ceased to exist as
an independent ethnic and political unit.
Archaeology has learned of Uratian architecture through the cities
of Van, Toprakkale, and Erivan. The architectural style of Uratu found in
what is now eastern Turkey is related to what existed to the west. Uratu
had an outstanding metal industry, which was exported to as far west as
Greece. The flourishing and influence of Uratian art coincided with the
opening of oriental trade to Greece and Italy.
Ararat's fame is connected with the flood story. The mountains of
the north were conceived as the likeliest candidates for an early emer-
gence from the flood. Sennacherib was murdered by his son, who fled to
Ararat (Uratu) in 681 B. C. Uratians, Maneans, Scythians, and Medes
were all active preceding the fall of Babylon in the 500s B. C.
ARATUS (AretoV ) A Stoic poet of Soli in Cilicia who flourished in the mid-
200s B. C. His poem "Phaenomena" is quoted in Paul's Areopagus
speech, “for we are indeed his offspring.”
ARAUNAH (ארונה, nimble) A Jebusite father of 4 sons, all of whom escaped
the plague; David purchased his threshing floor for the site of an altar to
stay the ravaging plague by sacrifice. When the plague broke out and
killed 70,000, it was considered a judgment of God because of the cen-
sus of David. The prophet Gad instructed the penitent king to purchase
the threshing floor of Araunay, where the plague appeared to cease, as a
fitting place for sacrifice. David refused to accept the land as a gift, insis-
ting on paying 50 shekels of silver for the purchase of the threshing floor.
This later became the site of the temple at Jerusalem.
ARBA (ארבע, 4) Presented as a prom inent inhabitant of Hebron , or Kiriath-
arba, ancestor of Anak and the greatest man among the Anakim or race of
giants. Some scholars believe that this isn't actually a personal name but
simply part of the city-name, and that the "Kiriath" was left out when the
text was copied. The original Hebrew text may have referred to the city
as the mother city of the Anakim.
ARBATHITE (ערבתי) A resident of Beth-Arabah, the home Abialbon, one of
David's Mighty Men.
ARBITE (ארבי) A resident of Arab, the home of Paarai, one of David's Mighty
Men.
A-58
ARCHAEOLOGY
List of Topics—1. Introduction; 2. Types of remains;
3. Method of Excavation; 4. Dating Archaeological Evidence;
5. Contributions of Archaeology to the Bible; 6. Exploration
and Excavation in Palestine
1. Introduction—The study of material remains, made up of all tan-
gible manmade things of the past. All these things are documents, either
documents written, inscribed on a variety of materials, or unwritten docu-
ments, such as fortifications, buildings of various kinds, sculpture, house-
hold vessels, tools, weapons, and personal ornaments. This past is limi-
ted to the period of human occupation of the earth, from at least 200,000
years ago—the Pleistocene period—to the present. With reference to time,
archaeology is divided into: prehistoric, which deals with the Stone Age;
and historic, which deals with the time from the Stone Age's end to the pre-
sent. The following is a table of Palestine's archaeological periods B.C.:
Mesolithic (Natufian) circa 8000-6000. Early Iron
Pre-Pottery Neolithic circa 6000-5000 a. circa 1200-1150
Pottery Neolithic circa 5000-4000 b. circa 1150-1025
Chalcolithic circa 4000-3200 c. circa 1025-950
Esdraelon circa 3200-3000 d. circa 950-900
Early Bronze circa 3000-2100 Middle Iron
Early Bronze I circa 3000-2800 a. circa 900-800
Early Bronze II circa 2800-2600 b. circa 800-700
Early Bronze III circa 2600-2300 c. circa 700-600
Early Bronze IV circa 2300-2100 d. circa 600-500
Middle Bronze circa 2100-1600 Late Iron (Persian)
Middle Bronze I circa 2100-1900 600-300
Middle Bronze IIa circa 1900-1700 Hellenistic
Middle Bronze IIb circa 1700-1600 (300-63 )
Late Bronze circa 1600-1200 Roman
Late Bronze I circa 1600-1400 (63 B.C.-323 C.E.)
Late Bronze IIa circa 1400-1300 Byzantine
Late Bronze IIb circa 1300-1200 (323-636)
Islamic (636-present)
An understanding of archaeology and its discoveries is necessary
for an understanding of the Bible. No one can fully understand the Bible
without knowledge of biblical history and culture, and no one can claim
knowledge of biblical history and culture without an understanding of ar-
chaeology. Biblical events have been illustrated, obscure words defined,
ideas explained, and time lines refined by archaeological finds. Our know-
ledge of the Bible has been revolutionized by these discoveries.
Almost every biblical student or scholar experiences a barrier of
time and culture when they seek to project themselves into biblical times.
Much of this barrier is broken down by archaeology; ancient peoples and
times become more real than is possible by dependence solely on the writ-
ten word. All aspects of material culture brought to light by excavation con-
tribute to this intimacy. Through excavation the world of the Bible is being
resurrected, and the Bible can be seen in its true background. Archaeolo-
gy reveals both the similarities and the differences between Israel and Is-
rael's neighbors. Archaeology doesn't and can't prove the Bible. The Bible
deals with man's relationship to God, and is, therefore beyond the proof of
archaeology.
2. Types of remains—Some ancient remains have always been
either partially or completely exposed, because of their location, size, or
state of preservation (e.g. the Coliseum in Rome, the Parthenon in Athens,
the pyramids and temples of Egypt, Baalbek in Lebanon, and Jerash in
Jordan. Most ancient remains are buried beneath tons of debris or drifted
sand, and are recovered by means of excavation.
Ancient towns vary in size from a cluster of houses occupying as
little as 80 to 120 meters² to planned cities covering as much as 8,000
meters². Their locations were determined by natural features: good wa-
ter; a natural harbor; raw materials; tillable land; or if they were near major
trade routes. These advantages remained the same generation after ge-
neration; towns continued to occupy the same sites for centuries, though
occasionally with gaps in occupation.
Many kinds of tombs were used in antiquity: natural or artificial
caves; individual graves dug in houses or open areas; mausoleums,
either stonebuilt or cut out of rock. Ancient tombs contain skeletons, and
many objects, including vessels, weapons, jewelry, and occasionally furni-
ture. Tombs of prominent persons were almost always plundered in anti-
quity by enterprising robbers, and aside from pottery, little is found in them.
Frequently tombs were reused by succeeding generations, so that
they contain many burials and hundreds of objects. These objects were
more likely to be found whole or only slightly broken than those found
elsewhere. Except for monumental tomb structures, tombs are generally
hard to find, because they are covered over and their location is un-
marked. Frequently they are discovered by accident.
A-59
The excavation of tombs is hampered by small spaces, dust-filled
air, poor ventilation, and objects that tend to disintegrate when exposed
to air. Extremely delicate objects such as wooden utensils and furniture
are treated with preservatives immediately; the debris is sifted for beads,
jewelry, and seals. If several layers of undisturbed burials are found,
each layer is cleaned, planned and photographed as a unit before it is
removed.
When the initial settlement was destroyed, the next occupation
was built on top of the remains. This process, repeated time and time
again, resulted in formation of mounds or tells, which often reach a height
of 23 meters or more above the natural surface. Generally, these mounds
are shaped like cones with the tip cut off; they contain the remains of the
earliest occupation at the base of the mound, and the latest at the top.
They are neither absolutely level nor uniformly deep, but tend to slope,
thin out, or deepen, depending on the natural shape of the site and the
debris on which they lie. Various kinds of holes were often sunk into ear-
lier layers, and contribute to the unevenness.
In the layers of debris that make up a stratum are found the re-
mains of buildings and structures of ancient towns. They are built of sun-
dried mud brick or stone and sometimes both. Floors are made of flag-
stones, plaster, or packed earth. The most common class of object is
pottery, and 10s of 1,000s of sherds are brought to light in the average
Palestinian excavation.
3. Method of Excavation—The choice of where to dig depends
on the excavator's purpose in digging. The site may be of historical im-
portance or hold the key to unanswered questions. It may help fix a parti-
cular culture or event in time. It may simply be an accessible, available,
or easily securable site. Whatever the case, a permit to excavate must be
secured from the governmental department in charge of archaeological
sites; arrangements to either rent or purchase the site must be made with
the owner or owners.
Once on the site, the archaeologist selects the area he plans to
excavate and determines the location of dumps. The criteria for selecting
the trench's location is similar to that of selecting the site itself. For exam-
ple, if one wishes to study the sequence of fortifications, he will dig one or
more trenches at right angles to the line of the walls along the edges of
the site.
1st, the mound area is laid out and surveyed; it is divided into sec-
tions, usually measuring about 5 m on a side. The surface of the section
is then cleared of plants and rubble; anything found is recorded as a sur-
face find. If a clear and true picture is to be gained of a site, it is impera-
tive that the excavation proceed by removing one layer at a time and by
not mixing layers.
These layers are distinguished by differences in color and texture.
The excavator always digs one or more small trenches to a depth of 60 or
90 cm and smooths the sides with a mason's trowel. When seen from the
side, the subtle differences in layers can be seen and provide a preview
of the pattern of the layers in the area. The small trench is used as a
guide to separate and excavate each layer. The objects found in each
layer are placed in baskets and carefully labeled. A careful description of
each layer, sketches with exact measurements of all buildings, and a
rough description of the objects discovered are entered in the field note-
book.
When walls appear, the archaeologist immediately begins to look
for floors, because the objects above the floor must be kept separate from
those below. The archaeologist digs one or more small test trenches at
right angles to the wall, and in so doing usually discovers the floor. Walls
and floors are cleaned, drawn to scale, photographed and are studied in
detail. Later, scale drawings of the sides of the section are made to see
the relative position of all the layers. If this procedure seems time-con-
suming and unnecessary, it must be remembered that all excavation is
destruction; once a section is dug it is gone forever.
Accurate recording is absolutely essential. All features of the exca-
vated area, such as room deposits, walls, floors, and ovens are thorough-
ly cleaned, planned and photographed. The objects recovered are
brought from the mound in baskets which carry identifying tags. It isn't
feasible to keep 10s of 1,000s of pottery sherds; they are sorted, and only
characteristic types of partial and whole vessels are saved. A pottery
notebook is kept with thedate, number of pieces and observations of the
pottery of each layer. It depends on the government involved as to how
much stays in the country and must be studied on the spot, and how much
may be taken and studied off-site.
Excavators prepare preliminary excavation reports as well as a
final, comprehensive report. Having excavated and destroyed all or part
of a site, they are responsible for making available a full and accurate re-
cord and interpretation of their excavation. Based on their findings, as
well as the findings of many scientific specialists, they then fit the site into
the political, economic, and cultural history of the area, and if possible,
into the ancient Near East's larger framework. Because mistakes are
inevitably made and problems are left unsolved, the study of the raw data
of an excavation goes on long after the final report is published.
A-60
The use of objects for dating strata presupposes a knowledge of
the principle of change. New styles appear and are popular for a time.
They are modified to suit changing tastes and needs. Ultimately, they
lose favor altogether and disappear. Archaeologists will pick out all ex-
amples of a single class from each layer; study them and note all chan-
ges in their manufacturing, form, and finish. The layer in which the class
first appears, each layer in which it undergoes changes, and the layer in
which it is last found is also noted. Few of the objects found have intrin-
sic value; precious objects have been found, but only very rarely in a
poor country like Palestine . Their value comes in dating the levels, and
in describing and comparing cultures.
When all the sites in a region share similar objects, they can be
said to belong to a common material culture. By the intensive study of
objects, archaeologists have been able to isolate and describe the major
centers of material culture in the ancient Near East—Egypt, Mesopotamia,
Anatolia, and Syro-Palestine. In ancient times, Palestine and Transjor-
dan belonged to the same material culture, as shown by many common
features, one of which is ceramics. The discovery of foreign objects sug-
gests trade and commerce or the presence of a foreign power. Locally
made objects that imitate the objects from other regions also indicates
contact with foreign lands.
Objects also throw light on immigration and colonization. Around
1175 B. C., a new kind of pottery, featuring different shapes and decora-
tive styles, suddenly appears at sites on the coastal plains and the adjoi-
ning foothills of the Shephelah. The place and date of this pottery indica-
ted that it was Philistine. Analysis of its shapes and motifs, and compari-
sons with other contemporary pottery of the ancient world have shown
that its ultimate source was Aegean (near Greece ).
4. Dating Archaeological Evidence—The Bible and other an-
cient literature are the best sources for creating a chronology. The litera-
ure found at sites sometimes supplies information about cities, including
names of founders and conquerors, and allows for a high degree of accu-
racy in fixing dates, but only if they are found in the same layer as the one
they are writing about. The signs or letters used in writing changes over
time; this change is also used to supply approximate dates for layers in
which written documents are found.
Although virtually all objects are useful for dating, some are of grea-
ter value than others. Because pottery is the most common and inde-
structible artifact, and because it is an excellent medium for the expres-
sion of change, it is the most useful class of objects for determining dates
within a maximum error of about 2 centuries, and most often within a cen-
tury or less.
Coins are also valuable evidence in determining dates, when
enough are found to prove that they were contemporary with the layer in
which they were discovered. Since coins were invented in the 600s B.C.,
they are only useful in dating relatively late strata. Less common objects
can be of use in fixing dates, but only if a series of them has been found,
enough to establish a pattern and timetable for changes that took place.
In the case of imported objects, if the object can be securely dated in
the place of its origin, it can be extremely valuable for dating the layer in
which it was found. A time lag of perhaps 50 years, but usually far less
must be factored in, as well as the possibility that object was a family heir-
loom, and therefore found in a layer somewhat later than the period in
which it was manufactured and imported.
The changing styles of art and architecture are becoming increa-
singly useful for purposes of chronology as more is learned about ancient
art forms and motifs. Unfortunately, art objects, and particularly sculpture,
are not plentiful in Palestine, largely because of the overall poverty of the
country, and because of Israelite religious prohibitions.
In architecture, dates of changes in methods of construction and
styles of masonry are now known. Architectural styles are more difficult to
recover in Palestine because of the widespread use of sun-dried mud-
brick construction, which lacks permanence, and because of the common
practice of building over and over again on the same site, which destroys
the structures below.
The natural sciences increasingly assist archaeology in classifica-
tion and analysis of artifacts. Botanists classify samples of wood and
grain; zoologists and anthropologists classify animal and human bones.
Conchologists analyze shells, and geologists can often locate the quarry
from which stone was taken to fashion building blocks, sculpture, beads
and other objects.
A-61
A number of established scientific techniques are used on objects
found with excellent results:
(a.) petrographic analysis—thin slices of potsherds are studied
under a petrographic microscope to determine the minerals pre-
sent in the pottery.
(b.) neutron activation—sherds are placed in a nuclear reactor
and the chemical composition of the clay is determined from the
induced radioactivity.
induced radioactivity.
(c.) chemical analysis—qualitative and quantitative tests are
done to determine the identity and proportions of the constitu-
ents of clays and metals.
(d.) spectrographic analysis—material is burned in an arc and
the spectrum produced is measured to determine the composi-
tion of metals, and to a lesser degree, clays.
(e.) radiocarbon dating—All living things take in carbon. That
intake ceases at death and disintegrates at a fixed rate. Mea-
surements of the amount of carbon remaining in organic matter
provides an approximate age of the material.
When 2 or more of these tests are used they: provide a means of descri-
bing objects exactly and objectively; they distinguish foreign from locally
made objects and thus supply data on ancient trade.
In sites which have not been excavated layer by layer, the layers
of debris can't be dated precisely, because their objects are hopelessly
mixed. At best, the objects of each building or location can be compared
with objects from accurately dated layers from other sites. It is the only
method that can be used with poorly excavated sites, and permits a cau-
tious use of the findings.
5. Contributions of Archaeology to the Bible—One of the most
important contributions of archaeology is the recovery of a number of an-
cient Near Eastern languages. A staggering volume of documents written
in Akkadian, Ugaritic, Egyptian, Sumerian, and Hittite have been disco-
vered, which has aided in the deciphering of these languages. The conti-
nuing study of ancient Near Eastern languages and literatures has made
the Bible more easily understood. Many words and phrases in Hebrew
which could not be accurately translated can now be better understood
because of discovering identical words and phrases in these texts. These
documents also shed more light on the laws, religious practices, and the-
ological ideas of Biblical times than can be found in the Bible itself.
While the Bible is a veritable treasury of historical information, its
whole approach to history is religiously rather than politically or economi-
cally oriented. It leaves out details that aren't important in understanding
the faith history of the times, but that are important in understanding politi-
cal history.
Archaeology has also confirmed many details of biblical history.
Various biblical events have been considered unauthentic by scholars,
not because they contradicted known facts, but because they seemed im-
plausible. For example, every Judean site excavated to date, which was
inhabited circa 600 B.C., has been found to have been destroyed in this
period, reoccupied after a gap of several decades, if indeed it was ever
reoccupied again.
Similarly, the description of the power, fame and wealth of Solo-
mon has been considered by some scholars to be a gross exaggeration.
Excavations at various sites have illustrated that an elaborate state orga-
nization, a high material culture, and a thriving economy, a Golden Age,
existed during Solomon's reign, more so than in any other Near Eastern
power at that time. There are discrepancies between the Bible and his-
tory. Most are small and can be readily explained; some are more seri-
ous and cannot be accounted for easily. Rather than assume that the Bi-
blical authors are wrong, scholars usually reserve final judgment until
more evidence is forthcoming.
6. Exploration and Excavation in Palestine—Modern surface
exploration of Palestine began in 1838 with Edward Robinson and Eli
Smith. From that time, various expeditions traveled through the country,
studying topography and identifying many biblical places. Scientific ex-
cavation in Palestine traces its origin to W. M. F. Petrie, who dug the
mound of Tell el-Hesi (Biblical Eglon?) in 1890. His contribution was in
noticing the existence of layers in Palestinian mounds, and in the disco-
very that pottery undergoes changes over time that can be correlated
with the layers to establish a date date. The time between Petrie's exca-
vation and World War I was a pioneering period.
There were flashes of brilliance and some development of good
analytical methods; as a whole though, it was a disappointing period.
Excavation technique was poor overall, and serious blunders were made
in interpretation. After World War I, from 1920 to 1939, places like the Bi-
blical City of David, Megiddo, and Jericho were excavated. The confu-
sion that prevailed before World War I was dispelled by this and similar
work.
A-62
After World War II and the Arab-Israeli conflict excavation resumed.
The 1st group of Dead Sea Scrolls was discovered in 1948, and numer-
ous excavations of caves followed. Archaeological excavation continues
today. It is safe to say that the rapidly accumulating mass of archaeologi-
cal data will vastly enrich our knowledge of ancient Palestine and of bibli-
cal life and times.
ARCHELAUS (ArcluoV) Son of Herod the Great and Malthaces. Herod's
will named Herod Antipas and Philip as tetrarchs, but Archelaus as the
principal successor in 4 B.C. Archelaus tried to calm the Jews' hostility
before he assumed the throne. Despite his efforts to win over the Jews
they showed such unbroken animosity and rebellion that the force of
arms was needed to put down disorders, such as at the temple on Pass-
over, when Archelaus felt it necessary to loose his army on the milling
throngs.
As to the crown, Herod Antipas laid claim to it based on the body
of the will. Archelaus' claim was based on a later amendment to the will.
Both brothers sailed to Rome to lay their claims before Augustus. Their
mother first supported Archaleus then Antipas; she died before a deci-
sion was made. The Romans had to put down disorders in Judea. A
third party showed up, asking Augustus to abstain from appointing any-
one from Herod's family king, and allow the Jews to live by their own laws.
When Augustus heard the case, his decision was to award half of
Herod's land, mostly Judea to Archelaus, and the other half was divided
between Philip and Antipas.
Back in Judea, Archelaus interfered with the high priesthood, di-
vorced his first wife, Mariamne, and married Glaphyra, who had already
been widowed twice; she had been his half-brother's wife. This fact
transgressed Jewish law. Archelaus' oppression of Samaritans and Jews
prompted them to send deputations to Caesar to denounce Archelaus. In
6 A.D. Archelaus was banished to Gaul, to a city now known as Vienne.
His territory was added to Syria ; the procurator Coponius, was sent to ad-
minister Judea .
ARCHER (ירא (yaw raw); קשת (keh sheth)) A soldier equipped with a bow
and arrows. The Hebrew word Machetsetserim is translated as “archers”
by the King James Version. The later Revised Standard Version trans-
lates it as “musicians.” It is not certain whether the archer corps was a
well-developed unit in the Hebrew Army, as it was among the Assyrians.
Saul was wounded by Philistine archers on Mount Gilboa. King Josiah
was shot by the Egyptian archers. The Joseph tribe is represented as an
invincible archer attacked by archers.
ARCHEVITES (ארכוי) Inhabitants of the city of Erech (Uruk) in Babylonia
that were resettled in Samaria .
ARCHIPPUS (apcippos) One of the persons to whom Paul addressed the
letter entitled “To Philemon,” and who is also called Paul's fellow soldier
and is mentioned in the Letter to the Colossians. John Knox suggests
that the ministry which Archippus is being urged to fulfill is the freeing of
his slave Onesimus, and to become an evangelist in the work of the Chris-
tian church.
ARCHITE (ארכי) A clan of Benjamin, established in the territory southwest of
and Absalom.
ARCHITECTURE
List of Topics—1. Introduction; 2. Materials: Mud,
Reeds, Rubble and Stones; 3. Construction and Plan:
Roofing the Walls; 4. Construction and Plan: City Walls
and Jerusalem Temple; 5. Construction and Plan: City
Gates and Buildings; 6. Construction and Plan: Greek
Influence; Conclusion
1. Introduction—The art of building; herein confined to ancient Pa-
ledge is restricted by ancient writers' lack of interest in architecture, and
by so few buildings surviving, and those with only two rows of bricks still
standing.
Throughout most of the period men built their own houses; the vil-
lages in which they lived were the creation of their own unskilled commu-
nal labor. So town walls, gates, & temples, are “homemade” in character.
Only in periods of exceptional prosperity or political expansion do we find
ambitious architecture which displays the hand of professional craftsmen.
2. Materials: Mud, Reeds, Rubble and Stones—Native building
depended on the materials provided by the soil—limestone, rocks, wood,
reeds, and mud. The fine shaping and carving of these materials can
hardly be found before the Late Bronze Age (1600-1200 B.C.). Through-
out the period mud was used, either raw as mortar for solidifying or rende-
ring rubble walls, or dried in the sun as bricks; in the Early Bronze Age
wooden molds were used and chopped straw was used to keep glutinous
clay from sticking to the molds.
As to the use of reeds in building, we can be sure that people living
in the low-lying, marshy ground that occurs in the coastal plan, and round
the upper reaches of the Jordan, built their houses at least partly out of
what was the easiest material at hand. To this day, marsh reeds bound
together and packed in mud form the most efficient and economical roo-
fing material for houses in the Jordan Valley.
A-63
In the earliest town we know about, Neolithic (roughly 6000 B.C.)
Jericho, not only mud and reed, but also stone was used for building. As
early as the 6000s B.C., or even 7000s B.C., the town was enclosed in a
protective rampart of boulders, all of which may have been covered in
plaster. Even the most monumental works of thousands of years later, like
the city rampart and a gate at Shechem, or the Bronze Age rampart at Jeri-
cho, represent basically no more than that.
From the earliest times until the end of the period, the native house
was a thing of rubble walls, sealed on both faces with mud mortar. An ex-
ceptional building of the early Bronze Age was found at Ai, composed of
stones roughly dressed to a uniform size; there were places for heavy col-
umns along the side of a long hall. The column size implied by the size of
these plinths or platforms suggested the existence of an upper story. It is
the earliest example of the more ambitious planning and construction that
sometimes distinguished individual Palestinian buildings from common vil-
lage architecture.
3. Construction and Plan: Roofing the Walls—The crucial pro-
blem isn't how to raise walls but how to roof the area between them. Until
the 400s B.C., the Jewish or Canaanite builder had no other way of roo-
fing an area than by laying wooden beams or long stones across it, resting
their ends on walls at either side. He remained limited by the length and
strength of the timbers or stones at his disposal and his capacity to lift
them until the Persian period (600 B.C.), when we begin to see vaulted
ceilings and arches; they remain rare in Palestine until a few years before
Christ's birth.
Until that time, the principle roofing material was timber, of which
the mountains and foothills of Galilee, Samaria, and Judea would have af-
forded an ample supply. Such roofs would have been laid flat across the
wall tops, with a gentle slope to run off rainwater.
The normal house throughout the Bronze and Iron Ages, as even
today, was a loose agglomeration of small rectangular rooms, often
grouped beside or around a little open-air yard. The only feature which
survives to give an impression of architectural distinction is the post or co-
lumn. A Neolithic Jericho building had a roof spanning a room 5.2m wide
that was supported by 2 wooden columns.
4. Construction and Plan: City Walls and Jerusalem Temple
The architecture of city walls was awe-inspiring to Hebrew spies, and no-
where did the native rough stone architecture of Palestine achieve a more
monumental effect than in the gates and ramparts of the Bronze and Iron
Age cities.
Most Palestinian cities were perched on considerable mounds of
accumulation. Lines of defense would be chosen near the top of the slope,
and the lower parts revetted with a compact glacis of rammed earth. The
approach to these high embanked cities was necessarily up a sloping
road, dangerously flanked by the walls, toward a gate at the top.
The gates provided either a zigzag entrance into the city, or alter-
nating wide and narrow passages as a way of protecting the city's en-
trance. This was an ancient protective device found not only in Canaan
but also throughout the ancient East.
Of the monumental structures we know about, the most famous
was the temple at Jerusalem, built for King Solomon and rebuilt by Herod
the Great, the earliest known masterpiece of a tradition of dressed stone
and timber construction. The book of Kings makes it clear that Phoeni-
cian masons and joiners, lent by King Hiram of Tyre around 950 B.C.,
were the effective creators of the temple. The temple was a structure of
squared stones with a timber roof, raised on a podium above the enclosure
in which it stood. It had 2 chambers with a porch or vestibule in front; the 2
chambers were surrounded on 3 sides by adjoining rooms. The temple
was built to its full height in squared stone.
The enclosure wall was composed of three courses of cut stone
with a row of cedar beams on top. Of specifically architectural ornament at
this period, little has survived, and we have to guess how the temple was
built; so we look to actual buildings at Megiddo and Samaria for clues.
5. Construction and Plan: City Gates and Buildings—The
gates and buildings of the Solomonic city at Megiddo had brick and timber
super-structures resting on foundations composed of narrow piers of finely
dressed and bonded rough-hewned limestone blocks set between lengths
of rubble walling. The jointed masonry at Samaria and Megiddo was laid
with fine precision.
A-64
Whether the surface was chiseled smooth or left with a rustic boss,
masons were careful to smooth meticulously as much of the front margin
of each stone as was needed to ensure perfect alignment and tight join-
ting. Much of this work was also done by masons from Tyre after Solo-
mon's reign. And whenever foreign influences are withdrawn from Pale-
stine, its architecture reverts to the “village” style described above, as
when Solomon died in Judah, and Ahab died in Israel.
The next actual building we know of that displays architecture be-
yond the village style is a half a millennium later, the governor's residence
at Lachish. The characteristic method adopted by builders in brick, in
timberless countries, is to use stone vaulting and arched doorways. The
occurrence of that style in this building points unmistakably to Persia or
Mesopotamia. Even tombs displayed foreign influences, with one found
in Silinwan that reflects the Egyptian style.
6. Construction and Plan: Greek Influence; Conlusion—After
Alexander's conquest of the East, Greek motifs mingled with Egyptian and
Persian motifs, as in the so-called “Absalom's Tomb,” of which the cylindri-
cal and conical upper parts are built of finely dressed and jointed mason-
ry, but which rests on a rock-cut base. The Greek tendencies in Jewish
architecture of the 100 years before Christ coincided with a revival of the
art of finely jointed and squared masonry, a revival promoted most effec-
tively by Herod the Great (30-4 B.C.). He founded numerous cities within
his kingdom, and endowed them with temples, theaters, hippodromes, and
baths, like those found in Greek and Roman cities.
The greatest of these was Jerusalem's reconstructed temple sur-
rounded in Greek style with porticos. The temple itself followed the old
Solomonic building's plan, but with an extended porch. There was a gigan-
tic doorway over 30 m high. None of all this can be seen today, except
parts of the gigantic enclosure wall of the precinct, built of squared and
paneled blocks of impeccable jointing and prodigious size. Much of the
building under Herod was cosmopolitan in character, could be matched in
any province of the Roman Empire, but all of it clearly had native oriental
motifs. The temple itself, for all its Corinthian colonnades, followed the
lines of its Phoenician predecessor.
Architectural history in Palestine repeats itself. Both Solomon's
temple and Herod the Great's temple reflected the cosmopolitan brilliance
of their reigns. Both Solomon's and Herod's subjects, and neighbors were
Orientals aspiring momentarily to partnership in a Western civilization
(Phoenician in Solomon's case; Greek in Herod's). In Herod's time, the
architecture of Jerusalem's public buildings and other great eastern Medi-
terranean cities were an adaptation of Grecian forms to the Semitic East's
brooding nature and antique symbolism.
ARCHIVES, HOUSE OF THE (םבית ספרי (bet se fa reem), house of
scribes or writing) A place where public records and historic documents or
decrees are stored, perhaps in the temple area or in the royal treasury;
things like Jeremiah's scroll, the scroll of the law, and annals of the kings.
Archaeologists have found archives of tablets, and scrolls at Persepolis,
Nineveh, Ras Sharma, Elephantine, and Cairo.
ARCTURUS (עש (ash), “moth”, עיש (a yeesh)) The designation of a group
of stars. The Bible versions yield a variety of evidence showing that the
translators knew nothing of the original term. The Hebrew word ayish
has been elated to an Arabic word for wagon. The 4 central stars have 3
lesser stars, known as “children” in the Book of Job, which form the Bear's
tail, or the wagon's pole.
ARD, ARDITES (ארד) A descendent of Benjamin, among the 70 persons of
the house of Jacob, that came into Egypt .
ARDON One of the sons of Caleb in the genealogy of Judah .
ARELI (אראלי) Son of Gad; ancestral head of the “family of the Arelites.”
AREOPAGUS, AREOPAGITES (AreioV pagoV (air ee os pay gos),
AreopagithV) A rocky hill at Athens ; the hill is 112 m high, and is
between the Acropolis and the Pnyx. The Panathenic way ran between
the Areopagus and the Acropolis. A “council in the Areopagus,” or “coun-
cil of the Areopagites” originally met on it.
A-65
There were 2 stones on the Areopagus: the Outrage; and the Ruth-
lessness stone (the accused stood on “Outrage,” the accusers stood on
"Ruthlessness"). The court’s functions varied from time to time; some-
times it heard mostly capital crimes cases; at others it dealt with legal,
political, educational, and religious affairs. The council sometimes met in
places other than the hill, (e.g. the Stoa Basileios in the Agora). Paul may
have come before the council and made his speech, or they may have
met on the Areopagus.
ARETAS (AretaV) The name borne by kings of Arabia at Petra and Dama-
are the descendants of Nabaioth. Their capital city and stronghold was
Sela, “the cliff,” which the Greeks of that time called Petra, the name we
know it by today. Though the inhabitants were of the Arab race, Aramaic
was the language of their writing and inscriptions. (See also the entry in
the Old Testament Apocrypha / Intertestamental section of the Appendix).
In New Testament times we find Nabateans still exercising authority
in Damascus. Paul says that “the governor under King Aretas guarded the
city of Damascus in order to seize me,” but Paul escaped. It is hard to ex-
plain how Damascus , a city in a Roman province, could be under the pro-
tection of King Aretas' officer of. The Aretas who posed such a threat to
Paul was Aretas IV (9 B.C.-40 A.D.) At that time the Nabatean kingdom ex-
tending from the Eu phrates to the Red Sea . Aretas attacked and defeated
Herod Antipas, partly in revenge for the divorce of his daughter by Herod.
ARGOB (ערגב, mound) A part of the Og kingdom containing 60 cities, and
situated in northern Gilead . It was assigned by Moses to the tribe of Ma-
nasseh and was conquered by Jair the son of Manasseh. Its actual loca-
tion is uncertain.
ARIDAI (ארידי, delight of Hari) One of Haman's 10 sons, slain in the Jews'
purge of their enemies in the book of Esther.
ARIDATHA (ארידתא, given by Hari) One of Haman's ten sons, who was
slain in the Jews' purge of their enemies in the book of Esther.
ARIEL (אריאל, lion of God; hearth of God) 1. One of the “chief men” sum-
moned by Ezra. 2. A cryptic name for Jerusalem as the “hearth of God.”
ARIMATHEA (Arimaqaia) A town which most locate about 16 km north-
east of Lydda and around 32 km east of Jaffa, in the hills of the Shephelah.
Arimathea is named in the story of Joseph of Arimathea, who obtained the
body of Jesus and interred it in his own unused rock tomb.
ARIOCH (אריוך, lion-like) An ally of Chedorlaomer who joined a punitive
campaign against 5 kings in southern Palestine ; the 5 kings were beaten.
Arioch and Chedorlaomer were later defeated by Abram. The place where
Arioch ruled remains uncertain, as does what name Arioch was known by
outside of the Bible.
ARISAI (אריסי, lion-like) One of Haman's ten sons, who was slain in the
Jews' purge of their enemies in the book of Esther.
ARISTARCHUS (AristagcoV, best ruler (?)) A Macedonian from Thes-
lonica who was a Gentile associate and a valued and intimate companion
who traveled with Paul in Macedonia; he was arrested with Paul in Ephe-
sus. He was also probably a fellow prisoner of Paul's in Rome. Tradition
says that he was martyred in Rome under Nero.
ARISTOBULUS (AristobouloV ) 1. A Christian whose family is men-
tioned in the letter to the Romans. He is otherwise unknown. (See also
the entry in Old Testament Apocrypha / Influences Outside the Bible sec-
tion of the Appendix.)
A-66
and in which he, his family, and a pair of all living creatures floated in du-
ring the great Flood. The ark described in Genesis is nothing more than a
floating house; its sole function was to stay afloat. Biblical description is
too meager to permit reconstruction; it measured 300 cubits long (about
150 m), by 50 cubits wide (about 25m), by 30 cubits high (15 m high). The
Sumerian-Babylonian story of the Flood bears marked resemblance to the
Genesis account
rences to the ark in the Old Testament in the form of 22 different phrases
(e.g. “the ark, ark of Yahweh, ark of God, divine ark, ark of the covenant,”
etc.) Nearly 1/3 of the references and 7 different phrases appear in 2
books (I and II Samuel), or 1/16 of the Old Testament (OT).
The simple wooden chest of the earlier stories and the elaborate
golden shrine of the Priestly document are viewed variously as: embodi-
ment of the presence of Yahweh; a counterpart to the divine soul; an ob-
ject essential to success of the Israelite army in the tribal government days
before the monarchy; as a container, either of a sacred stone from a sa-
cred place like Sinai, or of the 10 Commandments; or a portable throne for
the presence of Yahweh. What we have here is several parallel ancient
ideas, none of which excludes the others, but which overlap and receive
different emphasis in different parts of the literature.
The ark 's origin is unclear, though it likely goes back to Moses. In
the book of Deuteronomy, Moses made an ark [or box] and put the 2 stone
tablets of the 10 Commandments inside. Other traditions used to tell
Moses' story confirms that the ark goes back to Moses, and that it was ac-
tually constructed after the golden-calf incident. 2 of the 4 traditions used
to tell Moses' story regard the ark as a container from the beginning,
though there is little evidence of this in the Samuel stories. There, the ark
is more of an extension of Yahweh's personality than it is a container.
There is no reason to say it had to be either a container or an extension of
Yahweh; it is not a distinction that the nation of Israel made.
The ark first appears in the wilderness wanderings, in the so-called
Song of the Ark in the Book of Numbers. It is an ancient military poem of
Yahweh and the ark which could well belong to the desert period. In this
song, the ark is not only seen as the leader of Israel's host, but it is directly
addressed as Yahweh. The ark is conceived of as an extension of Yah-
weh's personality.
The ark led Israel in the crossing of the Jordan into Canaan in the
book of Joshua. The account we have was adapted from the original ac-
count so that it could be used in a worship setting to celebrate the anniver-
sary of the crossing and the founding of the sanctuary at Gilgal, where it
took place. The story and location of the ark becomes obscure until its
reappearance at the Shiloh sanctuary in the care of Eli and his family; it
may have been at Bethel until then. The Israelites are defeated by the
Philistines without the ark being present. They went into battle a second
time with the ark, and the Philistines, although portrayed as fearful, won
again and captured the ark; its departure from Israel is described as the
exiling of glory from Israel.
The sojourn of the ark in the Philistine cities brought only disaster
to them, such as the bubonic plague in Philistia. It was sent back to Israel
in an unguided, new cart, pulled by newly calved cows. They went direct-
ly to the village of Beth-shemesh, which also suffered misfortune. The
ark was taken farther into the hill country, finally stopping at Abinadab's
house at Kiriath-jearim; it stayed there and was ministered to for 20 years,
all through Saul's reign and until the 8th year of David's reign.
3 ideas are prominent in these stories. 1st, there is the virtual as-
sociation of Yahweh and the ark. 2nd, there is the military and cultic use
of the ark. 3rd, there is the use of the ark as the rallying point of Israel.
The meaning of these legends is that Yahweh let the ark be captured in
order to punish Israel and its chief priestly house, and in order to show that
Yahweh could overcome the Philistine by his own power and make them
return the ark to Israel. Yahweh regained liberty; Yahweh saved Yahweh.
Historically, the ark did journey to Kiriath-jearim via Beth-shemesh,
but this may not mean that it passed beyond Philistine control. Even
though Kiriath-jearim is in Israel, the nation still lamented; this suggests
that the ark was still very much under Philistine control. Saul's neglect of
the ark may well have been the historical reason for the estrangement
between Samuel and Saul. David's resolve to seek the ark and remove it
to Jerusalem reveals a religious spirit and an attitude toward Yahwism,
which are the foundation of the messianic idealization of David and his
house.
A-67 By means of a religious procession David begins to bring the ark to
his new capital. One of Abinadab's sons, Uzzah, inadvertent ly shoots out
his hand to steady the ark, and the shock of realizing what he had done in
sacred procession and before everybody's eyes kills him. David misinter-
prets the death to be Yahweh's anger at the removal of the ark to Jerusa-
lem. David himself carries the ark instead to the house of Obed-edom the
Gittite, rather than risk the death of any of his soldiers.
Obed-edom had good fortune with the ark in his possession, so
David changed his mind and tried again to bring the ark to Jerusalem.
Probably vounteers were asked for, and they were instructed to lift the ark
and to try to walk 6 paces in the direction of Jerusalem. When nothing
happened, David proceeded, along with all the house of Israel to the city
of David, with sacrifices, with a royal dance in priestly garment, and with
shouting and trumpet. Thus, David put Israel's most treasured religious
emblem at the heart of Israel's life. The ark and David were united in Isra-
el's new capital at Jerusalem.
In Jerusalem the ark remained in a tent, and was used on a military
expedition against the Ammonites. During Absalom's revolt, David orders
the ark returned to Jerusalem. Some take this to mean that David freed
himself from the view that the ark was the guarantee of Yahweh's pre-
sence. He concluded that if he was ever to enjoy his kingship again, it
was to be in Jerusalem or nowhere. He therefore resigns himself com-
pletely to the will of God, and sends the ark back to Jerusalem.
Finally, Solomon removes the ark from Zion to its place in the holy of
holies, the inner sanctuary of the temple. No more mention of the ark is
made in the historical books of the Bible. Shisak may have removed it;
Manasseh may have replaced it with his image of Astarte; and Josiah re-
stored it to the temple. Most likely it was destroyed or stolen during Nebu-
chadnezzar's invasion. The actual fate of the ark is a bigger mystery than
its origins.
Psalm 132 is the only Psalm that has an explicit reference to the ark.
The story in II Samuel and this Psalm are closely related. The first is the
historical tradition of the removal of the ark to Jerusalem; the second is the
adaptation of the story to a worship setting for the annual celebration of
that removal. David did recover the ark, and thereby signaled the national
liberation from the Philistine yoke. Ark, Yahweh, royal house, and Israel ex-
isted in a new unity in Jerusalem. This unity transformed and was enriched
by the existing El Elyon cult of old, Jebusite Jerusalem; it broke down
through and after the reign of Solomon. The unity survived spiritually in
the messianic prophecies of Isaiah.
Since the ark was so important, it's strange that there's only one
Psalm that refers directly to it. There are many places where the ark
could be implied by a phrase used in the word's place. The phrase used
most often (225 times) in the OT is “before Yahweh,” and in many of its
uses the ark may be easily substituted, especially in the cultic contexts.
Also, in II Samuel, the name of the ark was the name of Yahweh of hosts,
who dwells between the cherubim.
This could mean that Hebrew words for “Yahweh of hosts” were
actually inscribed upon the lid of the ark. The use of “Yahweh of hosts”
could then be used in some cases as a veiled reference to the ark. When
all the veiled references to the ark of the covenant are taken into account,
the ark figures far more largely in the Psalms than has previously been
supposed.
ARKITE (ערקי) A person living in or coming from the town of Arqa , northwest
of Tripolis in Syria . In Roman times the town was famous for its Ishtar
(Astarte) cult.
ARM (זרוע (zer o ah); braciwn (brakh ee own)) In the Bible, it is used
most often as a metaphor for strength, since it is the part of the body most
often used for putting into effect the dictates of one's will, for fighting and
for building. Although the word “arm” must have been commonly used in
ancient colloquial Hebrew to designate the strength of men, most of the
time in the Old Testament, it is used for God's strength (e.g. lightning as
the “descending blow of his arm;” and “ outstretched arm”). Only in rare
instances is it used in its common literal meaning, and it occurs only 3
times in the New Testament.
A-68
ARMAGEDDON (הרמגדו, Mount Megiddo; Armagedwn) In the book of
Zechariah, it is said to be a “Hebrew” word for the scene of the last strug-
gle of good and evil against each other. Unfortunately, the word does not
occur anywhere in Hebrew. There are many interpretations of the word or
phrase, depending on how the letters might have been miscopied down
through the ages. It may have to do with the city of Megiddo, or it may be a
misprint for the word har migdo (his fruitful mountain,” or Mount Zion). It is
used in the New Testament in the Book Revelation. It appears likely that in
both this book and Zechariah, abounding as they do in symbolic language,
this term also should be meant to carry a symbolic meaning like the one
suggested here.
ARMENIA. The King James Version translation of Ararat.
ARMLET (אצעדה (ets ah daw); צעדה (tseh ah daw)) A ring or band worn
the upper arm, as distinct from a bracelet worn on the lower arm.
ARMONI (ארמני) One of 2 sons of Rizpah, Saul's concubine. David deli-
ARMONI (ארמני) One of 2 sons of Rizpah, Saul's concubine. David deli-
vered him and his brother to the Gibeonites to be hanged in order to fulfill
vengeance for the bloodguilt of Saul's house.
ARMOR OF GOD (panoplia tou qeou (pan op lee ah tau thay oo)).
The word for armor is a fusion of 2 Greek words: pan (all); and
opla (weapons). The phrase “armor of God” refers to a soldier’s full com-
bat gear, and is used to indicate all the resources that God makes avail-
able to those who follow his commands.
The whole armor, panoplia, is mention in 2 writings. In Luke, it de-
scribes all the equipment with which the devil fights to protect his property
from seizure. But when a stronger power enters the battle, the devil's full
armor is seized and his possessions are despoiled. In the Letter to the
Ephesians, the warfare also rages between God and the devil. To win,
one must rely on God's strength. The armor of God includes: truth, righ-
teousness, the gospel of peace, faith, salvation, and the Spirit. With
these, prayer, trust in God, vigilance, and devotion to God's cause, Christ's
army can overcome every subtlety and every onslaught of the devil, but
only if soldiers fully utilize these weapons.
The battle is not a matter of virtue's overcoming vice, nor is it self-
righteous crusade against human enemies. It is also not a way to gain
mental and psychic poise; it is a way of vindicating God's power over Sa-
tan in every situation where the believer encounters the craftiness of pri-
mal evil. What weapons are effective depends, not on the part of the sol-
dier being protected, but on the force and weapons being used by the
enemy. God's weapons will resist all the devil's attacks.
ARMOR-BEARER (נשא כלים (na si ka leem)) A personal attendant of a
warrior chieftain. The armor-bearer is attested to only in early times, being
mentioned in the Old Testament as a servant of Abimelech, Jonathon, Saul,
and Joab. Jonathon's finished off his chief's opponents. Both Abimelech
and Saul ordered their armor-bearers to kill them in order to avoid capture.
Joab's armor-bearer, Naharai of Beeorth, was himself a mighty warrior, be-
ing one of David's Mighty Men.
ARMORY (אוצר (o tsar); בית כלי (bet ke lee); נשק (nay shek); תלפיות
(tal pee yote)) An official storehouse for military weapons. With the esta-
blishment of a standing army came the necessity for storing arms. Armories
existed in Solomon's, Athaliah's and Hezekiah's reign, and still served as a
landmark at the time of the re-building of Jerusalem 's wall.
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ARMY (חיל (khah yil), force; צבא (tsa bah), host) The Monarchy marks the
beginnings of an organized army. In patriarchal times a crisis would pro-
mote a levy on the male membership of a clan by its chieftain. Abram led
out his trained men against a coalition of kings and in typical Bedouin fa-
shion pursued them by night, divided his 318 followers into 3 groups, and
brought back his relatives and all the spoil. Various clans would co-ope-
rate to meet a common danger.
The period of the judges saw irregular troops organized along tribal
lines for defense and/ or plunder, volunteers serving under some popular
leader. Before the time of David, soldiers had to provide their own wea-
pons and food; on foreign soil, they would live off the land. In times of
peace, such groups might pillage the countryside, or go into service of
some alien power.
David led such a group and who eventually changed the peasant
kingdom of Saul into an empire with an organized army. Saul began as
charismatic leader, but after his victorious return from battling the Ammo
nites, he became king in earnest, choosing 3000 men for a standing army.
He led the army personally along with his son, Jonathon. Later, Abner was
commander of the army, but his exact duties were not clear.
David's military genius was apparent long before he became king.
David appointed as commander in chief Joab, whose tactical brilliance re-
volutionized Israelite warfare and changed them from a defensive to an
offensive force. David set about to consolidate his own position by the
creation of a bodyguard of mercenary troops composed partly of old com-
rades from his outlaw days, and partly of Philistine, Cherethite and Pele-
thite mercenaries.
They were paid directly from the royal purse, and served not only
as body guard, but also to uphold the Davidic house's central authority.
When David had to flee because of Absalom, their loyalty remained un-
questioned, and it was they who eventually put down the revolt and re-
won the crown for David. Hired troops became a fixed institution with the
Davidic dynasty, as the ordinary Israelite was by nature anti-militaristic
and ill-disposed to army discipline; later, in the Northern kingdom, army
rule and army-led revolts only too often characterized palace government.
The Israelite army essentially remained an army on foot throughout
its history. Since the Philistines were masters of chariot warfare, as were
Syrians, David knew about chariots; he wisely avoided it, mainly as imprac-
tical in Palestine's hilly terrain. With the establishment of an empire and
the consequent occupation of the Aramean plains, however, cavalry and
chariot corps became necessary. His son's introduction of these expen-
sive and impractical elements into his army certainly contributed to the
eventual disruption of the kingdom; later kings had to abandon chariots
and cavalry. In the Northern Kingdom, chariot and cavalry was part of the
army at least under the kings of Ahab's line.
After the dissolution of the Palestinian kingdoms, separate national
existence, and with it the army, came to an abrupt end. Not until the wars
of liberation under the Maccabees was a Jewish Army again a reality. This
army was originally scattered guerrilla bands. Under the later Hasmone-
ans, paid Jewish and Gentile soldiers constituted a standing army. Herod
the Great as a loyal vassal to Rome not only put his forces at Rome's dis-
posal but also modeled his own troops on that of his sovereign. The pre-
sence of Thracian, German, and Gaul undoubtedly helped to fan the hatred
which the Jews felt for Herod.
ARNA An ancestor of Ezra; apparently parallel to Zerahiah.
ARNAN (ארנן, nimble) A ancestor of Jesus ( I Chronicles 3).
ARNON (ארנון) A perennial stream flowing from the Transjordan plateau
through a deep canyon into the Dead Sea from the east at a point just
north of its midpoint. The Arnon divided the kingdom of Sihon from Moab,
and later was the southern boundary of the tribe of Reuben. Its source is
near Lejjun; it flows north-northwest for about 24 km and then west about
an equal distance to the Dead Sea. The canyon of the Arnon is 4 km wide
in places, with the riverbed 500 m below the top of the cliffs.
AROD (דאﬧו, hunchbacked) Son of Gad; ancestral head of the Arodites.
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AROER (ערוער, juniper(?)) 1. A well-known city situated on the Arnon
Gorge's northern rim, which marked the southern extremity of the Amo-
rite kingdom of Sihon. It was fortified by the sons of Gad, though origi-
nally assigned to Reuben, for whom it served as the southernmost sen-
tinel. It was the logical starting point of David's census. It's a short dis-
tance east of the main north-south route across the Arnon. From its
magnificent vantage point on the canyon's lip, it commanded all cros-
sings of the forbidding gorge. Ruins of fortresses from the Iron Age and
the Nabatean periods can be seen there.
2. A Gilead town on the border of Gad's inheritance, near modern
Amman. the exact location is unknown. 3. A town in the southern country
of Judah, about 19 km southeast of Beer-sheba. David sent a share of the
spoil taken from an Amalekite band to the elders of this town.
AROMATIC CANE (קנה בשם (kaw neh ba shem), sweet (fragrant) cane) A
species of fragrant reed used by the Israelites as a perfume. It is com-
monly identified as the sweetflag. The roots are still employed in confec-
tionery, distilling, and brewing.
ARPACHSHAD (ארפכשד) The 3rd son of Shem, the grandfather of Eber,
and an ancestor of the Hebrews.
ARPAD (ארפד) A city and a minor state in the northern part of Syria ; the ruins
are about 40 km north of Aleppo . It is 1 of 2 proverbial examples of places
destroyed by the Assyrians in the mid to late 700s B.C.
ARRAY, BATTLE (ערך (aw rak); מערכה (ma ar aw kaw); חמשים (kha mi
sheem)) The arrangement of forces on a field of battle in readiness to
launch or withstand attack.
ARRAY, HOLY (הדרת קדש, (ha dar at ka desh)) An expression indicating
“proper attire.”
ARSENAL (תלפיות (tal pee yote)) A store of battle weapons. The meaning of
this Hebrew word is unknown.
ART We are concerned here with the processes of painting, carving, engraving,
etc., and with the origin and evolution of decorative themes and pattern,
rather than the objects thus decorated.
Prehistoric Art—The earliest manifestations of artistic creativity,
date from the Middle Stone Age (around 8000 B.C.), when cave dwellers of
tempts at representing the human figure; the skulls of several individuals
are decorated with shell diadems. Neolithic Jericho around 6000 B.C. has
yielded several human masks. These masks occurred apparently in groups
of 3—man, woman, and child. All these objects had a ritual or magical sig-
nificance. Skulls found nearby had been partly completed with fine clay so
as to represent human features.
The earliest, and outstanding, examples of wall paintings were found
in the ruins of Teleilat Ghassul of the Chalcolithic period (around 3500 B.C.).
The artists used mineral pigments, black, dark red, red, and yellow ocher,
and white. One of the frescoes represents an 8-ray star around which geo-
metrical designs were distributed irregularly.
Before Palestine's settlement by Israelites, Canaanite artists drew
their inspiration and techniques from Mesopotamian, Egyptian, Anatolian,
and Aegean style. Ancient Asia Minor's art resulted from the modification of
Mesopotamian themes in Hurrite, Mitannite, and Hittite workshops. No one
style came out of this exchange of artistic influence between the Aegean
and the east Mediterranean coast. Canaanite art flourished during the
Late Bronze Age (around 1600-1200 B.C.).
Ras Shamra's art from the 1400-1300s B.C. is good illustration of
the composite art which flourished in Canaan. On the image of the thun-
dergod of Ugarit, the Egyptian influence is obvious from the left shoulder
seen full face, while the head, body and legs appear in right profile. But the
helmet, the pigtails, and the curved dagger are definitely borrowed from the
art of Asia Minor. The same mixture of Egyptian and Asian features ap-
pears, in varying proportions, in other reliefs and statues.
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Decorative patterns also reveal the composite nature of Ugaritic art.
On a golden plate with a hunting scene, the well-balance composition and
dynamic character of the animal representation are typically Aegean; the
artificial combination of profile as described above belongs to the Egyp-
tians, while the chariot, the harness, and the manner of hunting seem to
originate in the art of Asia Minor.
Canaanite Art— The few monuments which can be ascribed to the
Canaanites, are generally uninspiring imitations of foreign models and pat-
terns. Stone carvers from Beth-shan had sculptured steles and votive
plaques of limestone for the local god Mekal's temple. One stele repre-
sents the god in right profile. The sculptor did his best to give the “Egyp-
tian” look to his god. But the full beard, the horns, and the high pointed
bonnet substituted for the white crown of the Pharaohs would never have
been dreamed of on the Nile. A stele found at Khirbet Balu'a, carved
around 1200 B.C., shows a similar combination of Canaanite and Egyp-
tian elements used by local craftsmen.
A bronze statuette from Megiddo that was from around the 1200s
B.C., shows a Canaanite deity on a throne, wearing a conical tiara. The
influence of Asia Minor and northern Syria on Canaanite art is undeniable
in the case of a stone panel of a lion and a mastiff fighting found in Beth-
shan and tentatively dated from the 1300s B.C. Affinities with Asia Minor's
art may be recognized also in the decoration of the so-called “altar” of
Taanach.
As for the countless clay figurines, the nature, typology, and even
the chronology of which are far from being well defined, they can scarcely
be considered as works of art, as there isn't much evidence of creativity
and genius in these objects or the earthenware vessels modeled in the
shape of grotesque human figures by local potters. The crude Palestinian
substitutes for the golden masks on the royal tombs of Mycenae date from
the end of the Late Bronze and the Early Iron Age.
The Canaanite ivory carvings are abundant and unusually attractive.
They reveal an able technique and a great ingenuity in the combination of
patterns drawn from different ethnic sources. An ivory box from Tell el
Far'ah in the Negev has Egyptian figures in Syrian costumes surrounded
by Mesopotamian palm trees and the Aegean symbolism of bullocks stan-
ding at a thicket's edge. The object is no older than the 1100s B.C.
Most important is a collection of sculptured and engraved ivory in-
lays from Megiddo. They show a variety of decorative themes, from geo-
metrical patterns to the palmated ornaments and spirals so common in the
art of Cyprus and the Phoenician coast, to Egyptian religious figures, to na-
turalistic animal figures and scenes. One such treasure is an ivory casket
decorated with sphinxes and lions carved in high relief. The sphinxes re-
semble more the Asia Minor sphinxes than the Egyptian ones. Ivory car-
ving suffered a long artistic vacuum during the time of the Israelites con-
quest of Canaan.
The art of Canaanite ivory carvers revived with the rise of the vari-
ous western Semitic kingdoms. Occasionally references of the decoration
of houses and furniture by means of ivory inlays are in the Bible. The ivo-
ries of Arslan Tash shows many images such as sphinxes, female winged
figures facing one another on each side of a tree. The images showed the
influence of Egyptian art from the New Empire, which itself was influenced
by oriental and Mediterranean sources. The Samarian royal palace was
also decorated with ivory.
Next, there is the art found on Canaanite painted pottery, specifi-
cally the patterns used, their sources and development. Around 1500 B.C.,
there was a pottery class that showed a combination of stylized motifs with
realistic animal representations within panels separated by straight or wavy
lines, rows of triangles, checkerboard designs, etc.
The motifs inside the panels, which gradually spread from Cyprus to
the Syro-Palestinian coast, go back to old Mesopotamian prototypes like
the stylized tree, the antelope or goats, and the fishing or fighting cranes
found in the 1000s B.C. Another class of painted jugs and craters made
around 1200 B.C., with spiral decorative patterns and over-stylized large
birds turning their heads to smooth their feathers were found on the coastal
plains and thereby attributed to the Philistines.
Hebrew Art—The Hebrews had no artistic tradition of their own.
The troubled period which followed the Conquest, and which was brought
to an end by the rise of the Davidic dynasty, wasn't favorable to artistic cre-
ativity. Not until Solomon's reign did art flourish again in Palestine, and still
the Israelites had to rely largely on foreign craftsmen, resources and
techniques.
A-72
Our description of the temple's art comes to us through the eyes
and hands of scribes who were more concerned with conveying the “house
of Yahweh's splendor,” than a technical or even artistic description. It is
even probable that at least some of those responsible for the final redaction
had not actually seen the monument. The Bible records suggest that the
sanctuary's inner walls, doors, passages, etc., were covered with sculp-
tured panels of wood brightened with gold inlays. The Hebrew terms used
in the description of the panels' ornamental patterns and motifs are broad
and not always consistently translated.
There were ornaments from the plant world geometrically arranged
and cherubim. The cherubim of the temple were composite creatures, with
human faces and wings, akin to the winged figures guarding the doorsteps
of the gods in the temples of Mesopotamia and Asia Minor, while the cheru-
bim of the ark may be closer to the winged figures painted on the panels of
Egyptian deities' shrines. The capitals of the pillars were also decorated
with ornaments from the plant world in geometrical patterns.
Animal figures decorated other items in the temple, such as the “Mol-
ten Sea” and the bronze wagons carrying water. What is distinctive in the
sacred art of the Hebrews is that it involves a certain amount of removing
the element of myth from foreign symbols, or at least an adaptation of the
same into Yahweh worship. The construction and the furnishing of the tem-
ple and of the palaces of the kings of Judah and Israel seems to have
drained nearly all the artistic potential of the Hebrews.
Jewish Art—Jewish artistic achievements were understandably rare
and poor in the postexilic period, when homecoming exiles struggled for ex-
istence. They are more numerous and for the most part mediocre when
the Jews obtained a limited autonomy under their own rulers. Jewish art,
however was never entirely original. The influence of Greek artistic expres-
sion on even Jewish artists was pervasive. Herod's temple decoration may
have been Greek art's paramount achievement, but nothing of it is left. The
richest Jewish rock-cut family sepulchers toward the end of the pre-Chris-
tian era were often adorned with columns imitated from classical
architecture.
Some Galilean synagogue facades were lavishly decorated with
sculptured vegetable ornaments similar to those seen on gables of Jewish
rock-cut tombs, along with 7-branch candlesticks, the 6-pointed “Star of
David,” the Torah-shrine, and the wheeled chariot of I Chronicles. Human
and animal figures are common of the Palestinian synagogues' mosaic
pavements of the 300 and 400s A. D. Originally pagan motifs from mytho-
logy such as the sun-god’s chariot, the zodiac and season figures, were
borrowed without qualm by Jewish artists. Some Jews were against such
symbols and destroyed them.
Wall frescoes executed in a technique and style similar to those of
Roman and Alexandrian paintings, decorated the synagogue of Dura-Euro-
pos on the Euphrates in the 200s A. D. They represent miscellaneous epi-
sodes from the entire Bible, from Moses to Elijah, as well as apocryphal
scenes. This was a highly appropriate use of art in a synagogue, which
was above all a place of instruction.
ARTAXERXES 1. Artaxerxes I (465-425 B.C.), son of Xerxes I. He overcame
revolts in Egypt. By the peace treaty of Callias (449), signed at Susa, rela-
tions between Athens and Persia were stabilized. Artaxerxes I authorized
Ezra's mission to Jerusalem in 458. Nehemiah's 2 missions were under his
reign and with his permission, the first in 445.
2. Artaxerxes II (404-359 B.C.), Darius II's son and Artaxerxes I's
grandson. He crushed the rebellion of his brother Cyrus at the Battle of
Cunzxa in 401. He lost Egypt probably in 402 or 401, repelled the meddling
of Sparta in the affairs of Asia Minor, and suppressed other rebellious move-
ments led by local satraps. 3. Artaxerxes III (359-338 B.C.), son of Arta-
xerxes II. By the use of skillful diplomacy and military force, he succeeded
in maintaining a superficially strong empire until he was murdered in a con-
spiracy.
ARTEMAS (ArtemaV ) An early Christian. Paul expected to send Artemas or
Tychicus to Titus in Crete, so that Titus could join Paul in Nicopolis.
ARTEMIS (ArtemiV ) A goddess of the most diverse characteristics, wor-
shiped more than any other female deity in Greek communities; the equi-
valent of the Roman Diana. She is Apollo’s sister, daughter of Leto and
Zeus; the virgin huntress, protector of the chastity of nymphs and her devo-
tees; a moon-goddess; the patroness of maidens of marriageable age, hel-
per of women in childbirth, and the giver of a gentle death to women. Even
so she retains striking aspects of savagery. She is pre-eminently a god-
dess of wild nature.
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The Artemis of the Ephesians mentioned in Acts is not the Hellenic or
Latin goddess. She is really a form of the Asian mother-goddess. She was
a local goddess of Ephesus, taken over by the Greeks. The Ephesian Ar-
temis wasn't a virgin huntress, but a fruitful mother; not a moon-goddess,
but a goddess of fertility. Her temple was a huge landholding corporation
served by eunuch-priests; by other attendants called Essenes; and by
thousands of female slaves.
She was worshiped not only in Ephesus, but also in most Asia Minor
cities, in southern Gaul, in Syria, and in Rome. It is probable that her pri-
mary image, which was preserved in the Ephesus temple, was a meteorite.
The “silver shrines of Artemis” made by Demetrius, were not images of Arte-
mis, but were probably replicas of the primitive sanctuary which was re-
placed by the great temple of the later period.
ARTILLERY (כלי (kel ee)) See Weapons and Implements of War.
ARTISANS See Crafts.
ARUBBOTH (ארבות, ambush) A town in one of Solomon's 12 administra-
tive districts, which probably approximated the old tribal territory of Ma-
responsibility of collecting provisions here.
ARUMAH (ארומה, lofty) Abimelech's place of residence, after he had been
driven from Shechem. The exact location of the city is unknown; it is per-
haps halfway between Shechem and Shiloh.
ARVAD (ארוד, a wandering) A city and a minor state in northern Syria on an
island of the same name, near the coast between Tripolis and Ladhigiyeh.
Arvad Residents are famous as sailors and warriors and served in the
navy and the army of the rich city-state of Tyre.
ARZA (ארצא, gracious) Elah's chamberlain at Tirzah, in whose house Elah
was assassinated by Zimri.
ARZARETH (אחרת ארצ, another land) A distant region beyond the Euphra-
ASA (אסא, (God?) has given (healed?)) 1. Son of Maacah and King of Judah
(southern Israel) around 913-873 B.C. Asa reigned 41 years. Asa was
Yahweh's loyal supporter and a religious reformer. He undertook to re-
move pagan worship and practices and to restore the worship of Yahweh
to its rightful place Judah . The Chronicler reports a sweeping reformation
in 2 stages, which climaxed with a great sacrifice in Jerusalem in the 15th
year of his reign. He removed Maacah from being queen mother be-
cause she had made an image for Asherah, the Canaanite fertility goddess,
and worshiped it.
The border warfare with (northern) Israel continued throughout the
reigns of King Asa and King Baasha. Baasha moved against Judah and
fortified Ramah in the territory of Benjamin. Asa took what was left of the
temple treasure and sent them to Ben-hadad, king of Syria with the appeal
that he should break his league with Baasha, king of Israel. Ben-hadad re-
sponded by capturing several towns and some territory in Galilee. Baasha
withdrew from Ramah and returned to Tirzah. Asa used Baasha's building
materials to fortify Geba and Mizpah. The fortifications belonging to this
period were very strong.
The Chronicler records an undated invasion of Judah by Zerah the
Ethiopian, commander of the Egyptian frontier city of Gerar. It was beaten
back, and much booty was taken. The Chronicler adds a further note in
the form of a prophecy of Hanani the seer, condemning Asa for his reli-
ance upon Syria; Asa put Hanani in prison. Toward the end of his reign he
contracted dropsy. The Chronicler saw in this the punishment of God.
Asa was buried with royal honors in a tomb which he built for himself in the
city of David.
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2. A Levite son of Elkanah, ancestor of Obadiah, who lived in one of
the villages of the Netophathites.
ASAHEL (עשהאל, God has made) 1. Joab’s and Abishai’s brother, Zeruiah’s
(David’s sister) sons. After the Battle of Gibeon, when Abner and his forces
were routed by Joab, Asahel “swift of foot as a wild gazelle,” pursued relent-
lessly the fleeing Abner. After warning him off twice, Abner speared him.
This started a blood feud with Zeruiah’s sons and resulted in Abner’s mur-
der at Hebron. Chronicles has Asahel serving as the commander of 24,000
men for the 4th month (i.e. after his death), possibly to honor him posthu-
mously.
2. A Levite who, in company with the princes of Judah and priests,
instructed the people in the law in an itinerant teaching mission in Jehosha-
phat's 3rd year of rule. 3. A subordinate overseer who assisted in religi-
ous collections during Hezekiah's reign. 4. The father of Jonathon, who
opposed the formation of the Jerusalem commission to consider the cases
of the Jews who had married foreign wives in the time of Ezra.
ASAIAH (עשיה, Yahweh has made) 1. An official under Josiah; in the dele-
gation sent to Hulda the prophetess regarding the law book. 2. One of
the “head of families” or chieftains, in the tribe of Simeon. 3. Son of
Haggiah; chief of the Levitical group called the sons Merari and thus
among those who helped David bring the ark to Jerusalem. 4. The first-
born of the Shilonites, as listed in Chronicles among those who returned
from the Babylonians captivity. Nehemiah lists him as Maaseiah.
ASAPH (אסף, possibly Yahu has gathered to himself) 1. Apparently the father
or ancestor of the Joah, who was King Hezekiah's recorder.
2. The founder of one of 3 chief families or guilds of temple musici-
ans. Whether or not Asaph was himself was actually a Levitical remains
unknown; he was possibly a contemporary with David, according to the
Chronicler. In his history of Judah, Asaph’s sons participated in nearly
every major temple celebration. Because of their evident importance in
the Chronicler's view, it has been suggested that he was a member of this
guild. Their musical function was referred to in some instances as
prophesying.
3. Someone mentioned in I Chronicles, whose name should proba-
bly read “Abiasaph.”
4. The “keeper of the king's forests,” probably in Lebanon, to whom
the Persian king sent a letter by Nehemiah, ordering in timber for Jerusa-
lem's reconstruction.
ASAREL (אשראל) One of 4 sons of Jehallelel in the genealogy of Judah .
ASCENSION. (עלה (aw law); anabainein (an ab ah ee nay een); 9 other
Greek words are translated as “ascension,” rising up or being taken up) A
voyage from the earth to heaven above; Christ's exaltation after humilia-
tion, on which the transcendence of Christian existence is based.
A divinity's ascension is a widespread mythological idea. It appears
in 2 Old Testament books, 16 apocryphal books, and 6 New Testament
books. This tradition merged with that of the soul's ascent in ecstasy, or
at death, which developed in the Zoroastrian Avesta, Mithraism, Mandae-
ism, and Gnosticism into a detailed voyage through several spheres or
levels of heaven. Theology which blended all the above religious disci-
plines together developed the pattern of descent from heaven and ascent
to heaven for describing the Gnostic “Redeemer,” as well as the divine
men of the Greek age.
When earliest Christology identified Jesus with the Son of man ex-
pected shortly from heaven, the theological necessity of the Ascension
was apparent. In order for the Son of man to have dominion, glory, a
kingdom, and subservience of all, ascension was necessary. As these
functions progressively transferred from the future to the present, Ascen-
sion became Jesus' decisive subjugation of and revelation to the spirit
world controlling the cosmos.
The Ascension becomes the key to all spiritual gifts—i. e. the reli-
gious experience—of the church. It thus tends to replace the Second Co-
ming as the beginning of Christ's kingdom. When the Ascension is cast
in the Greek pattern of descent and ascent, it becomes the form in which
Jesus finds a place within Gnosticism. In the humiliated Christ's tran-
scendence over the world is humankind's hope of rising to true selfhood.
A-75
The perversion of the true Christian meaning by heretics in Paul's
congregations focuses on the need to clarify Ascension’s meaning.
They took Christ's enthronement for the finality of God's victory and ig-
nored the persisting ambiguities of human existence; they rejected the
world's end and the Second Coming. Since baptism meant union with
Christ, they interpreted their dying with Christ as the end of their finitude.
They assumed they had moved beyond the historicity of human exis-
tence and were above suffering service.
In opposition to this, Paul kept the idea of the end of the world and
the Second Coming, not as an inconsistent vestige of mythology or of
Jewish thinking, but rather a position which in his situation was neces-
sary to preserve a valid understanding of man's situation in the world.
Within this life, our union with Christ identifies us with his position in this
life (i.e. being on the way to the Cross).
His enthronement in heaven as Lord of the cosmos means that
human existence is ultimately under the control of the Humiliated, the
Crucified, the Obedient One. Faith in Christ's ascension thus means not
only that his service and suffering were his freedom and his victory, but
that in his “obedience unto death,” the path of transcendence within ser-
vice and suffering is revealed as a reality for us. Paul's position that our
ascension hasn't already happened so as to remove us from historical
involvement, but rather awaits us, gives transcendent meaning to our
service and suffering in the world.
ASCENT (מעלה (ma ah le); katabasiV (kat a bas sees)) An ascending
road stairway; specifically, a mountain pass. The terms “ascent” and “de-
scent” apply in general to any roadway by which one goes up or down.
Thus David left Jerusalem by the “ascent of the Mount of Olives,” and
Jesus came toward the city by the descent of the same mountain.
The principal Israelite occupation of Palestine was in the rugged
mountains west of the Jordan and the passes by which the roads entered
the mountains were of great economic, geographic, and military impor-
tance. They were usually called “ascents,” since they were entrances to
the mountain range. The Jordan’s rift valley has steep cliffs through
which travel is possible along secondary rifts that run into the valley at
right angles. 3 of these rifts into the Judean mountains are called ascents:
Ascent of Acrabbim; Ascent of Ziz; Ascent of Adummim (blood), so called
because of the red soil; it formed the northern boundary of Judah.
ASCENTS, SONGS OF. (המעלות שיר (sheer ham ma ah lowt)) The title
of the Psalms forming the group of Psalms 120-134, which is part of the
canonical psalter. The meaning of “Ascent” is not clear. One possibility is
that they are songs of procession, either for ascending to the temple, or
for pilgrims ascending to Jerusalem . (See also Biblical entry on Degrees,
Songs of).
ASENATH. (אסנת, belonging to, the servant of Neith (goddess)) Daughter
of Potphera, priest of On. The Pharaoh gave her to Joseph, son of Jacob
as a wife, and she became the mother of Ephraim and Manasseh.
ASER Taken as a misspelling for either “Hazor,” or “Asher.”
ASHAN (עשן, smoke) A city about 2.4 km northwest of Beer-sheba, located
in the Shephelah and originally assigned to Simeon. It was later desig-
nated as a Levitical city of Judah in David's reorganization. It is men-
tioned as one of the places David roamed with his men during his outlaw
period.
ASHARELAH (אשראלה, upright towards God) One of the sons of Asaph
who prophesied with musical instruments in the temple under the direction
of the king.
ASHBEA (אשבע) In the King James Version, the name of an otherwise un-
known family of linen workers. In the New Revised Standard Version, it is
the name of their hometown, Beth-ashbea, an otherwise unknown town,
most likely in the Shephelah.
ASHBEL (אשבל, having a long upper lip) The 2nd or3rd son of Benjamin,
ancestor of the family of Ashbelites.
A-76
northern most of the 3 coastal cities. It lay about 5 km inland, halfway be
tween Gaza and Joppa. It was reputed to be a very old city, once occu-
pied by the primitive Anakim. While assigned the Judah tribe, it remained
in Philistine control.
When the ark was captured, it was taken to Dagon’s temple in this
city. Because of ill omens, it was moved to Gath. Judah's king Uzziah
(783-742 B.C.) conquered Ashdod and the surrounding territory. They
were soon independent again, and revolted against Sargon II. Even after
a forced king change, the city still revolted, and Sargon launched a cam-
paign to conquer it and Gath and make it into an Assyrian province.
Sennacherib and received some of Judah's territory. Esarhaddon (680-
669) and Ashurbanipal (668-633) collected tribute from Ahimilki, king of
Ashdod. The Egyptian king Psamtik I (663-610) laid siege to Ashdod for
29 years. In spite of problems, Ashdod seems to have been the stron-
gest of the Philistine cities in the Persian period. (See also the entry in
the Old Testament Apocrypha / Influences Outside the Bible section of the
Appendix.).
During the revolt against the Romans of 66-70 A.D., there was ap-
parently enough Jewish influence in Azotus (Ashdod) for Vespasian to
march against the city and leave a Roman garrison there. Eusebius men-
tions it as still being an important town at the beginning of the 300s. It had
Christian bishops from the 300s to the 500s. Today it is only a small
village.
ASHDOTH-PISGAH (הפסגה אשﬢות, springs (or slopes) of (Mount )
Pisgah).
ASHER (אשר, happy, blessed) The 8th son of Jacob, born of Leah's maid
Zilpah, the younger brother of Gad, and ancestor of 1 of the 12 tribes.
As part of the Leah group of tribes, its territory laid on the wes-
tern slopes of the Galilean highland with Zebulun and Naphtali as neigh-
bors to the east. It had close contact with the seacoast and the maritime
state of Tyre and so wasn't safe from foreign influences. Asher was con-
sidered half-caste and not truly Israelite, and so it was not loved or re-
spected by other Israelites.
It is not surprising that the Song of Deborah criticizes Asher for sit-
ting still at the seacoast instead of taking part in the struggle for freedom
against Canaanite kings. It did respond as part of Israel's tribal govern-
ment to expel the Midianites under Gideon's leadership. Asher was the
only tribe to immediately recognize Ishbaal's kingship instead of David's.
It was a district in the reign of Solomon. The later Old Testament litera-
ture mentions Asher only in lists and in list-like material. The New Tes-
tament names Asher after Gad in the Revelation and ascribes the prophe-
tess Anna to the tribe of Asher.
ASHERAH (אשרה) A Semitic goddess, and the cult object by which she was
represented. Scholars aren't certain as to the meaning or origins of this
word, so there are a variety of words used to translate it. Sometimes it is
translated as “groves” or “trees;” it could refer merely to a sacred area or
object. The New Revised Standard Version uses the word for both the
goddess and the cult object and makes no attempt to distinguish between
the two.
Asherah” was considered either a confusion with “Astarte,” or not
even the name of a goddess until it was found in the Ras Shamra Texts
that there was a goddess distinct from Astarte worshiped by Amorites or
Canaanites in various parts of the Near East . Babylonians worshiped
Ashratum; southern Arabians worshiped Athirat as the consort of the moon-
god. It is probable that Asherah also appears in an Aramaean magical text
from Arslan Tash. As the Ugarit goddess Athirat, she was the mother-god-
dess, consort of El, mother of 70 gods including Baal.
In the Old Testament (OT), it is apparent that the Hebrew writer
didn't always make a distinction between the deity and its images. The
form of the cult object and its use in the worship of Asherah are not de-
scribed in the OT. No object has been found by archaeology that could
be called with certainty an Asherah. From a study of the verbs used in
connection with the Asherah it is clear that it was an object which could
be constructed and destroyed by man; it was not a tree, but was made
of wood or contained wood, and could be burned; it was an object that
stood upright. Various proposals are: a plain pole, a carved pole, a staff,
a triangle on a staff, a cross, a double axe, a tree, a tree stump, a head-
dress for priests and a wooden image.
A-77
Asherah was not known to the patriarchs and was not the invention
of the Hebrew people but was adopted from neighboring people. The
object appears to have been known in Palestine from the 900s to the 500s
B.C. In Judges, there was an association of worship between Baal and
Asherah. They were usually referred to as “Baals” and “Asherahs,” which
indicates that each locality had its Baal and its Asherah. There is no men-
tion of Asherah during the reigns of the United Monarchy (Saul, David, and
Solomon).
Asherah worship and objects existed in both the southern and nor-
thern kingdoms after the splitting of the United Monarchy at places such as
Samaria, Bethel, and Jerusalem. As an important fertility deity of the Phoe-
nicians and Canaanites, she would represent a formidable rival to Yahweh
under the sponsorship of the Phoenician princess Jezebel, wife of King
Ahab of (northern) Israel in the mid-800s B.C. She had 400 prophets of
Asherah who ate at her table. During Rehoboam's reign, people built for
themselves high places, and pillars and Asherim on every high hill and un-
der every green tree. Josiah's reformation in the 600s B.C. attempted to
stamp out this goddess-worship, for whom vessels had been made.
In the OT, Asherah are mentioned either in order to condemn her or
to praise men like Elijah, Asa, and Josiah, who attempted to destroy her
cult among the Israelites. The antipathy towards Asherah by Hebrew lea-
ders was due to the fact the goddess and the cult object were associated
with a foreign people’s fertility religion. They involved a mythology and
cult practices which were obnoxious to the champions of Yahweh.
ASHES ( a. אפר, (ay fer); b) דשן (daw shane); c) פיח (pee akh))
The uses of ashes for ritual purposes was not peculiar to the
Hebrews; it has been observed among the primitive Arab tribes, and per-
haps could have been found among the Phoenicians.
a) This Hebrew word is used most often and refers to ashes as a
sign of mourning and penitence, a way of hiding the face. A word with
the same consonants but different vowels referred to burnt offering ashes
having a purifying effect, and in designating ashes produced by the bur-
ning of vessels used in pagan worship.
b) This word was used to refer to the ashes formed by a mixture
of burned fuel and fat resulting from sacrifice at altars and from burnt
corpses.
c) This word means the kiln ashes that were used by Moses to
produce boils among the Egyptians.
ASHIMA (אשימא) A deity worshiped by the colonists from Hamath, settled
in Samaria by Assyria after 722 B.C.
only 1 of the 5 located on the seacoast. The site is about 19 km north
of Gaza and 16 km south of Ashdod.
Ashkelon has had a long and rich history. It is first mentioned in
the Execration Texts of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom around 1850 B.C.,
along with Jerusalem as one of the rebellious elements in Egypt's em-
pire. In the Amarna age, around 1375 B.C., the city, though affected by
the rebellion, seems to have remained loyal to Egypt . However, it revol-
ted against Ramses II, who took it by storm around 1220 B.C. There was
Egyptian religious influence in the city as late as 1200 B.C.
At this point the Philistines came and the biblical record begins.
Ashkelon and her sister cities were in territory Joshua didn't take. During
the Judges' times, Saul, and David, Ashkelon was definitely a Philistine
city. Nothing more is heard of the city until the Assyrian period. Mitinti of
Ashkelon revolted against Tiglath-Pileaser III and then went insane and
was succeeded by his son Rukibtu. Later we find Siqia in control of Ash-
kelon and several nearby places. He refused to yield to Sennacherib and
was deported with his whole family to Assyria. Shar-ruludari, son of Ru-
kibtu, was restored to the kingship as an Assyrian vassal in 701 B.C.
Later, King Mitinti paid tribute to Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal.
After the Egyptians' defeat at the battle of Carchemish , the Chal-
deans and Nebuchadrezzar demanded submission and tribute of all the
Palestinian states. Apparently Ashkelon alone refused on this occasion.
Nebuchadrezzer “turned the city into a mound and a heap of ruins.” In the
Persian period, the city was under the control of Tyre in the Persian peri-
od. (See also the entry in the Old Testament Apocrypha/ Influences Out-
side the Bible section of the Appendix.).
A-78
In 66 A.D., when war against Rome broke out, the Jews attacked
and partially destroyed Ascalon; but the city recovered and repulsed with
great slaughter a later Jewish attack. By the 300s, Ascalon's enthusiastic
paganism had given way to Christianity, and the city had become a bisho-
pric. For Moslems it became the “bride of Syria” in the 600s. It held out
against the Crusaders until 1153. Saladin regained it in 1187, after the
battle of the Horns of Hattin, and broke down its walls in 1191 to prevent it
being used as a stronghold; what remained was dismantled by Sultan Bai-
bars in 1270. Since then it has been a largely uninhabited ruin.
ASHKENAZ (אשכנז) The son of Gomer and a kingdom or province associa-
ted with Ararat and Minni. The people of this kingdom were known as Scy
thians to the Assyrians, whom they fought in conjunction with the Manne-
ans. They were responsible for the fall of Uratu and Assyria.
ASHNAH (אשנה, fortified) The name of 2 cities in Judah, both in the She-
phelah below the mountains. Their location is uncertain; one was probably
on the edge of Judah and its coastal plain while the other was probably be-
tween Lachish and Hebron.
ASHPENAZ (אשפנז) Nebuchadnezzer's chief eunuch, who was commanded
to bring handsome, intelligent Jewish youths to his palace in the book of
Daniel.
ASHTAROTH (עשתרות) 1. The plural form of “Ashtoreth,” the name of the
Canaanite fertility-goddess; this shows that each locality had their own
Astarte, instead of the goddess Anat worshiped elsewhere in the Near
East. In the Hebrew settlements, it is said that the Israelites practiced the
cult of Baalim and Ashtaroth, which might mean that they observed seaso-
nal rituals of the fertility cult without actually worshiping the god and god-
dess. Samuel and Israel's confession of apostasy probably refers to this
practice.
2. A place name compounded with the goddess Ashtaroth's name.
It is the name of a town in the Transjordan. It was one of the Israelite
cities of refuge and was also known as Rephaim.
3. A common noun meaning either “young” or "breeding stock.
ASHTEROTH-KARNAIM (עשתרות קרנימ) An important fortress city in
Gilead, about 32 km east of the Sea of Galilee and 4.8 km north of Ash-
taroth. Excavation of both ruins shows that the 2 cities seldom flourished
at the same time; most often only one site was populated at a time.
This city was occupied by the Rephaim or prehistoric inhabitants of
Canaan before 1600 B.C., when it was attacked by Chedorlaomer and
his confederate kings. It was so thoroughly destroyed that it wasn't occu-
pied for over 300 years, from 1600 B.C. until the time of the Israelite con-
quest. Either Syria (Aram) or Israel rebuilt it; occupation of it went back
and forth between the 2 nations. King Jeroboam II of (northern) Israel
(781-741 B.C.) captured it together with the nearby Lo-debar.
ASHTORETH (עשתרת) The deliberate mispronunciation of the name of the
Canaanite fertility goddess Athtarath. It was customary for Hebrew
scribes to label a pagan deity as shameful by combining consonants of
the deity's name with the vowels of the Hebrew word bosheth (shame).
Solomon patronized this goddess' cult; later, her cult place on the
“Mount of Corruption” was abolished. In Canaan the goddess is first en-
countered in the Ras Shamra Texts and is associated with Baal as the
giver of life or death. Apparently the functions of Ashtoreth as the patro-
ness of fertility were taken over by Anath, Baal's sister. There is a later
version in an Egyptian papyrus from the Nineteenth Dynasty, wherein
Athtarath is the bride claimed by the tyrant Sea .
The goddess also appears in Egyptian inscriptions and sculpture;
one such piece from the Ptolemaic period at Edfu depicts her with the
head of a lion. In another, the goddess wears her hair in the fashion of
stylized horns characteristic of the Egyptian cow-goddess Hathor; Ash-
toreth is also associated with the Phoenician god of healing, Eshmun.
In Palestine, fertility cults used figurines, usually made of clay to
represent nude females with their sexual anatomy emphasized. They
may represent Ashtoreth, or they may be models of concubines to be
placed in the tomb along with the deceased. Judging from the great
number of these figurines that were found, they appear to have been
associated with home use, such as to ask for children, rather than for
use in sanctuary.
A-79
ASHURBANIPAL (Assur is the creator of the heir) King of Assyria (668-629(?)
B.C.); son of Esarhaddon. He prided himself on his literacy and had an
extensive library. He succeeded in penetrating Egypt beyond Memphis
and in destroying Thebes around 663 B.C. His eastern frontiers in Asia
Minor were threatened by Cimmerians, his northern borders by Manneans.
Ashurbanipal was the last of Assyria’s great kings. The main event
of his reign was his long-drawn-out fight with the coalition which his bro-
ther Shamashshumukin king of Babylon had set against him. In 652 B.C.,
Shamashshumukin apparently thought that the time had come for a rebel-
lion against his brother. He revolted even though his capital was surroun-
ded by strong, loyal Assyrian garrisons, and his allies were unreliable Ela-
mites, and Chaldean tribes whose military value against disciplined Assy-
rian troops was questionable.
First, the army of Shamashshumukin and his allies failed to con-
quer such essential cities as Ur and Uruk. Then, the Elamite king was de-
feated by the Assyrians and unable to continue fighting. The Babylonian
king was forced into a defensive fight, which sealed his doom. An expedi-
tionary force of Arabs was defeated and driven into Babylon. The city was
under siege for 2 years; although it was defended with courage and tena-
city, it surrendered due mainly to famine in 648 B.C.
Ashurbanipal punished first the Arabs and then Elam, the latter en-
ding with the destruction of Susa. The written history of Assyria seems to
end in 639 B.C., although Ashurbanipal ruled well beyond this time; no one
knows why. The Assyrian Empire disintegrated suddenly under his son
Sinsharishkun (627-612). Babylonia fell to Nabopolassar and in 612, the
Assyrian capital, Nineveh, was destroyed by the Medes.
ASHURITES (אשורי) A people in northern Israel mentioned between Gilead
and Jezreel as part of the kingdom of Ishbosheth .
ASHVATH (עשות) One of the sons of Japhlet in the genealogy of Asher.
At Pentecost, there were Jews in Jerusalem who had come from Asia.
On Paul's 2nd missionary journey he and Timothy were forbidden by the
Spirit to preach in Asia. During his 3rd journey Paul spent over 2 years in
and around Ephesus.
An important development for early Christianity was the rise of
emperor-worship, which became popular and powerful in Asia, the 1st pro-
vince to ask permission to worship the living emperor. Augustus granted
this request to non-Romans in 29 B.C. By the end of the first 100 years
after Christ, emperor worship had incited hostility toward the Christians,
who refused to participate.
Asia is the center of interest for the author of the book of Revela-
tion. The 7 churches which he addresses are all in the Asia province's
western portion and probably the churches he knew best: Ephesus,
Smyrna, Pergamum, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea. Other
Asian cities mentioned in the New Testament are Colossae, Hierapolis,
Adramyttium, and Assos.
ASIARCH (Asiarch) The precise meaning of this word is not clear, and it
may have changed over time. It may be stated with assurance that the
Asiarchs were men of wealth and public influence in the cities they repre-
sented or served, and that some may have been of provincial importance.
Although the term of office was one year, reelection or reappointment was
possible; the title might survive the term of office. They weren't technically
a part of the structure of Roman provincial government, but were accepted,
appointed, or elected as protectors and promoters of the expanding imperi-
al cult. This meant they would often pay a large portion of the expenses of
the cult festivals, or they might repair a public bath at their own expense.
It was an Asiarch who, in defiance of the mob refused to let loose a
lion on the theologian Polycarp, on the grounds that he had already closed
the sports. And if Luke and his first readers were familiar with Asiarchs,
mentioning their support of Paul lends credence to the Christian cause.
Luke also mentions their support of Paul against the Ephesian rabble.
ASIEL (עשיאל, may God be what he's made of ) Great-grandfather of Jehu
in a list of Simeonite chieftains and their conquests in the time of Hezekiah.
(See also the entry in the Old Testament (OT) Apocrypha/ Influences Out-
side of the OT section of the Appendix.)
A-80
ASMODEUS (AsmodeuV ) The Destroyer and demon of anger. An evil being
described in later Jewish tradition as “king of the demons;” sometimes
identified with Beelzebul ((See also the entry in the Old Testament (OT)
Apocrypha/ Influences Outside of the OT section of the Appendix.)
ASNAH (אסנה, he who belongs to Nah) The head of a family of temple ser-
vants who returned to Palestine after the Exile.
ASP (פתן (peh then)) English term for one of several poisonous snakes, per-
haps the common European viper or adder, and with special reference to
the cobra. Asp is used poetically as in the wine of the enemy is the “cruel
venom of asps” and the venom of the asps is under the tongue of the un-
righteous.
ASPATHA (אספתא) One of the ten sons of Haman who were killed by the
Jews in retaliation for threatening them with genocide.
ASRIEL (אשריאל, God has filled with joy) A descendant of Manasseh; one
of the Gileadites found in Moses' second census. He is the founding an-
cestor of the Asrielites, who were allotted land by Joshua.
ASS (חמור (kham ore)) Centuries before Israel 's patriarch, other people had
domesticated the ass and it had become part of the civilized life of Western
As a work animal the ass was used for carrying burdens, and also
for agricultural operations. The proverbial strength of the ass was appro-
priately used to describe Issachar's strength. There was a prohibition
against plowing with an ox and an ass together. As a riding animal, the
ass was controlled by a bridle and was the animal normally ridden by peo-
ple. Even people of influence used the ass; the fact that Zion's future king
would come riding an ass emphasizes his intent to seek peace. The Bible
indicates that the Hebrews of the 800s B. C. were familiar with the meat of
the ass. But the dietary norms treated the ass as unclean and therefore
unacceptable as food.
Possession of an ass was almost the bare minimum for existence;
and wealth was indicated by the ownership of large numbers of animals.
In the summary of the resources of the early post-exilic Judean community,
the numbers of asses far exceed those of all other animals. The ass, like
the ox, shared in the rest of the Sabbath day. The ass on the Sabbath re-
ceived the care necessary for its survival.
ASSASSINS (sikarioi, (si kar ee oy), dagger men) In Palestine this term
was used by the Romans with reference to those Jews who engaged in
organized political killings in which surprise was a key element. The Ro-
mans considered such killings criminal.
Josephus uses the name to identify a particular revolutionary party
in the war of 66-70 A. D. He traces their origins back as far as the national
reaction against the Roman census. Those who submitted to the census
were treated as criminals by the sicarii. The sicarii of Josephus held out
until the last against Romans at Masada, who did not breach their defen-
ses until 73 A.D. When Romans broke through they found that the sica-
rii had systematically carried through a mass act of self-destruction. Even
Josephus represents this deed as motivated by patriotism and devotion to
God and God's Law.
The sicarii are probably best understood as patriotic Jews living in
the main stream of the Phineas-Maccabean tradition of zeal for the law in
response to Roman occupation. There are ample examples in the history
of occupation of similar behaviors of others as assassins, robbers, and
martyrs.
ASSAYER (בחון (baw khone), examine, test) One who tests ores for their
gold and silver content. Jeremiah's prophetic task is to be an assayer of
the people. He finds them entirely base metal.
ASSEMBLY See Congregation.
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ASSHUR (אשון) 1. One of Shem's sons; the founding ancestor of the
Assyrians. 2. The Assyrian pantheon's chief god; the name appears as
part of many proper names (e.g. Ashur-banipal). 3. A city in Assyria
along the banks of the Tigris; one of 4 that were Assyria’s capital during
its history.
ASSHURIM (אשורימ) An obscure tribe, probably northern Arabian, living in
the south of Palestine . They are not to be confused with the Assyrians.
ASSIR (אסיר, prisoner, captive) 1. A son of Korah and a great-great-grand-
son of Korah, as listed in I Chronicles. 2. A son of King Jeconiah; per-
haps he was born in captivity. But he is mentioned nowhere else.
ASSOS (AssoV ) A seaport of Mysia in the Roman province of Asia . The city
was ideally located on the terraces of a steep volcanic cone with a beauti-
ful view about 0.8 km from the sea. It was naturally protected by the steep
ascent; its defenses were strengthened by a city wall two miles long and
almost 20 m. high. Its harbor was formed by a long arm of land built out in-
to the sea. Paul traveled south overland to Assos from Troas, while his
companions went on the longer sea route.
before the Christian era. They take their names from their capital cities,
Asshur and Babylon. Their civilizations rivaled in age that of Egypt, which
existed at roughly the same time. They surpassed Egypt in respect to the
influence they had on surrounding civilizations.
List of Topics—1. Assyria and Babylonia's Biblical Impact
2. History of Babylonia: Sargon-Hammurabi (2350-1750 B.C.)
3. History of Babylonia: Hammurabi-Dark Ages (1750-1151 B.C.)
4. History of Babylonia: Nebuchadrezzar I-Nabonidus (1146-
539 B.C.) 5. History of Assyria: Introduction; 6. Early Dyna-
sties of Assyria: Period of non-dynastic kings; Dark Age
7. Development of Assyrian Foreign Policy Concepts;
8. Sargonide Dynasty and the Last Century of Assyrian
Monarchy; 9. The Country: Tigris and Euphrates Rivers
10. Landscape and Agriculture
11. The People; 12. The Language; 13. Writing Sys-
tem and Materials: Scribes and Cuneiform; 14. Writing System
and Materials: Bi-lingualism, Word Signs, and Clay;
15. Nonliterary Texts: Bureaucracy and Diplomacy;
16. Nonliterary Texts: Royal Letters; Law Codes
17. Nonliterary Texts: Treaties; Royal Land Grants; and Legal
Documents; 18. Religious Texts; 19. Omen Literature;
20. Secular Literature: Epic of Gilgamesh;
21. Secular Literature: Other Epics;
22. Secular Literature: Royal Inscriptions;
23. Secular Literature: Wisdom Texts; Humor
24. Institutions; 25. King and Palace;
26. City and Temple; 27. Mesopotamian Gods; God Images;
28. Arts and Culture; 29. Sciences; 30. Historical Sources;
31. Archaeological Notes
A-82
tions' direct impact on Biblical events began with Ashurnasirpal II (884-
860). From the reign of Omri (876-869) and his son Ahab (869-850), to
Hezekiah (715-687 B. C.) and Manasseh (687-642), Assyria posed an im-
mediate threat to Judah and Israel, but one that varied with the fluctuations
in Assyrian military might. Ashurna-sirpal II's son Shalmaneser III (859-824)
laid siege to Damascus and reached the Mediterranean; both father and
son collected tribute from Israel and the Phoenician coastal cities.
The next Assyrian king to threaten Israel was Tiglath-pileser III (745-
727). His son Shalmaneser V (727-722) laid siege to Samaria; his brother
and successor, Sargon II (721-705) finished conquering it, thereby putting
an end to the northern kingdom of Israel. Sennacherib (704-681) overran
the southern kingdom of Judah, which had risen in revolt; Esarhaddon (680-
669) destroyed Sidon. Ashurbanipal (668-626?) counted on a subservient
Judah for men and supplies in his successful campaign against Egypt.
Nabopolassar (626-602 B.C.) began the Babylonians' 2nd rise to political
power. Babylonia, under Nebuchadrezzar, was to take up Assyrian policy
and to rule the Near East as far as Cilicia and Egypt, and even to conquer
Jerusalem in 586, which had thus far escaped conquest.
2. History of Babylonia: Sargon-Hammurabi (2350-1750 B.C.)
Assyria and Babylonia had been long-lasting and far-reaching civilizations
long before they influenced Bible events. Babylonia had climaxes of politi-
cal power near the beginning and end of its 2,000 years of history. The
names of Sargon of Agade (around 2350 B.C.) and Nebuchadrezzar (605-
562 B.C.) characterize these 2 periods, but not much is known about
either them or their time periods. The best-known period of Babylonian
history was right before, during, and after Hammurabi’s reign (1792-
1750 B.C.).
With Uruk’s downfall and the Sumerian civilization under Lugalzag-
gisi, the Dynasty of Agade, founded by Sargon, achieved for the first time
Mesopotamian unification. Sargon's aggressiveness, reaching beyond the
borders of Babylonia, was based upon the maintenance of a standing army
supported by taxes levied and collected by a central bureaucracy. His
reign of 55 years and Naram-Sin's reign of 56 years might have stabilized
the country if an invasion of the Guti mountaineers had not brought about
its ruin.
The Guti’s rule was broken by Utuhegal of Uruk (2125-2025 B.C.);
the Neo-Sumerian Empire picked up where the Agade tradition left off, with
an elaborate administration, and provincial governors residing as far east
as Elam and as far north as Asshur. This collapsed in spectacular fashion
under an invasion by the Elamites. Political power shifted slowly north-
ward from Ur—first Isin, then Larsa, and eventually Babylon.
Babylon, the youngest of these cities, gained the upper hand under
Hammurabi. He defeated Larsa to the south, Eshnunna to the east, and
Mari to the north with wars, alliances, and political maneuvering. All parti-
cipants were non-Akkadian and ready to change sides or to outmaneuver
the enemy, bent on ensuring their hold over the city folk. Only Shamshi-
Adad (around 1812-1780 B.C.) of Assyria and Hammurabi of Babylonia at-
tempted to integrate the warring city-states.
The famous Code of Hammurabi shows us his carefully and effici-
ently organized administration. His main political achievement was the
successful change of his realm into a territorial state ruled from a capital,
with all other cities on the provincial level. This system survived the Dark
Ages' chaos. After Hammurabi, political power in southern Mesopotamia
was firmly established in Babylon. Yet, with all the obvious prosperity and
security of his reign, the year names begin to reflect an alliance of "Sumer
and Akkad" against him. Towards the end of his reign, the year names of
his last years show him clearly on the defensive.
3. History of Babylonia: After Hammurabi-Dark Ages (1750-
1151 B.C.)—Hammurabi's successors seem to have been restricted to
Babylonia proper. The southernmost region, where the Sea Country was
protected by its marshes, was able to survive the disaster that befell the
Fertile Crescent and ended with the conquest of Babylon by the Hittite
king Murshili around 1600 B.C. Then the Dark Age set in, not only over
Babylonia but also over nearly the entire Near East.
The next king we have documents for is Burnaburiash II (around
1370-1340 B.C.) of the dynasty set up by the invading Kassites. The docu-
ments show a royal palace well organized with regard to the administration
of estates. Kassite and Assyrian letters to Egypt show Babylonia as a
minor political power, but the Babylonian kings did enjoy a certain prestige.
There was, after nearly 500 years of rule, an increasing decline of royal au-
thority, judging from the frequency of royal land grants to officials.
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There was increasing infiltration of Arameans into open country, and
a subsequent interruption of communication; this further reduced the power
of Babylon's kings. Shutruk-Nahhunte of Elam invaded Babylonia; this
spelled the end of the Kassite Dynasty around 1151 B.C.
4. History of Babylonia: Nebuchadrezzar I-Nabonidus (1146-
539 B.C.—Babylonia's slow comeback began with Nebuchadrezzar I's
(1146-1123 B.C.) victory over Elam. The next 500 years were nearly as
dark as the Dark Ages. Babylonian nationalism stayed alive by taking root
in the open country, while the city dwellers preferred Assyrian rule, which
granted Babylon the right to do world trade through caravans that passed
through it. Such trade must have brought to Babylon riches that allowed
for rebuilding and sumptuously redecorating the sanctuaries. When Ba-
bylonia was incorporated into the Persian Empire much later, it was the
richest province.
Nabopolassar (626-602 B.C.) became the 1st king of a new dyna-
sty that was to become heir to Assyrian supremacy. The last ruler of Ba-
bylonia, Nabonidus (555-539 B.C.) provides an odd ending to a political
unit that spanned nearly 2000 years. He rose to power as a middle-aged
general in the confusion created by the conflicts between the short-lived
successors to Nebuchadrezzar II, even though he was a native of
Assyria.
Nabonidus tried to stress the worship of the god Sin in Babylon,
which may have led to conflicts with the priests. He went to visit the
large cities of Arabia, perhaps to promote trade, staying away from Baby-
lon for years at a time. At any rate, Cyrus suddenly invaded Babylonia
and moved, without encountering resistance, into Babylon. This was the
end of Babylonian sovereignty, not her aspirations to greatness.
5. History of Assyria: Introduction—In Assyria's history, an es-
sential difference can be observed between the periods before and after
the Dark Age (around 1600-1350 B.C.). Before the Dark Age, there was
less military aggressiveness than there was after it; there was more effi-
ciency in organizing trade relations and activities. After the Dark Age,
Assyrian kings under Asshurubalit (around 1365-1330 B.C.) succeeded
by means of institutionalized annual campaigns, in building up a series of
more or less short-lived empires; they often collapsed suddenly but were
quickly reconquered. Assyria's key strength was their ability to recupe-
rate and gain strength politically and militarily; their key weakness was
the curious instability of that strength.
Assyrian civilization was patently dependent upon Babylon for the
bulk of its religious concepts, its literary traditions, etc. But under the sur-
face of that dependence, Assyrian remained alien. The Assyrian king's
position is quite different from a Babylonian king. His relationship with
high officials, feudal lords, the people, and the policy of the royal admini-
stration shows evidence of an utterly different attitude.
6. Early Dynasties of Assyria: Period of non-dynastic Kings;
Dark Age—Assyrian history begins with Ur-Namma, a governor the Ur III
Empire in Asshur (2112-2095) and 2 generations after him until 2025.
Asshur became independent under the Puzur-Ashur Dynasty (2025-
1809). Its longest reign was 44 or 54 years by Niram-Sin (1872-
1829/19. After the empire's collapse, the city, ruled by this series of kings,
rose to be a center of commercial activity; Assyrian merchants lived
throughout Asia Minor. The Assyrians bought and sold copper and also
provided tin to Asia Minor for the production of bronze, and enjoyed free-
dom of movement and communication.
Most important for the history of Assyria is the person and reign of
Shamshi-Adad (around 1812/08-1780/1776 B.C.),and his dynasty of 4
other kings until 1736. Shamshi-Adad was a foreign conqueror who
seized Asshur. He strove to create a territorial state, relying on his noma-
dic and energetic followers to rule a population of different social and eth-
nic backgrounds, improving their living conditions and relying on them to
provide the economic basis for running his empire. With his death, his em-
pire disintegrated quickly. His son, Ish-me-Dagan, couldn't hold it together.
From 1735-1700, 8 non-dynastic kings unrelated to any previous
kings ruled. 1700 marked the beginning of Bel-Bani's reign and the Ada-
side Dynasty (1700-722 B.C.). 8 related kings ruled in the 100 years be-
fore the Dark Age, 18 kings reigned in the 250 years of the Dark Age,
26 kings ruled in the Middle Assyrian Empire period after the Dark Age
(1363-912), and 11 Adaside kings ruled in the 1st half of the Neo Assyrian
Empire period (911-722), ending with Shalmaneser V (727-722).
During the Dark Age (1600-1350), Assyria proper was incorporated
for quite some time into the Mitanni Empire. Other rulers use the names of
Shamshi-Adad and Ishme-Dagan again during this time. The Hittite king
Shup-Piluliuma took over Babylon around 1380, right before the end of the
Dark Age. Ashur-uballit (1363-1328) was the first king of stature after the
Dark Age.
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7. Development of Assyrian Foreign Policy Concepts—Early
on, Assyria developed a body of foreign-policy concepts that determined to
a very large extent the history of the ancient Near East. They fought on
multiple fronts. 1st, they fought the mountain people to the north and east,
attacking and exterminating whenever possible. They also used forced ur-
banization combined with building strategic roads. Tragically, they eventu-
ally lost that battle by destroying the Urartean state that stood between
them and the Medes and other tribes.
2nd, they attacked Babylonia, which proved equally difficult and
eventually fatal. At first they conquered Babylon under Tukulti-Ninurta I
(1244-1208). On the other hand Babylon invaded Assyria, not with their
army, but with their culture. Assyrian nationalists reacted violently against
this cultural invasion, which created a dangerous ambivalence in Assy-
ria's attitude toward Babylonia. The 3rd front in the West influenced world
history much more than the other 2. Carchemish was conquered by As-
shur-ballit and Tukulti-Ninurta I. Tiglath-pileser I (1115-1076) advanced as
far as Palmyra.
The 1st point in Assyria's rise to power was attained when Ashur-
uballit and Tukulti-Ninurta reached out to the West and the South. History
records many invasions, defeats, marriages between the dynasties, trea-
ties made, boundaries set. The Aramaic invasion from the South disrup-
ted this fragile political and economic structure. Tiglath-pileser conquered
Babylonia and fought the Arameans along the Euphrates.
With Tukulti-Ninurta II (890-884) and Ashurnasirpal II (884-860), a
new spirit of aggressiveness and cruelty becomes evident in the royal in-
inscriptions. Ashurnasirpal II and his son Shalmaneser III pushed into Syria
and the entire Mediterranean coastal region, in spite of the Aramaic kings'
fierce resistance. Another outstanding conqueror among Assyrian kings
was Tiglath-pileser III (745-727), King of Babylon and the originator of
large-scale deportation of conquered people. His son Shalmaneser V
(727-722) laid siege to Samaria.
8. The Sargonide Dynasty and the Last Century of the Assy-
rian Monarchy— In 722, Sargon II seized the throne from his brother Shal-
maneser, began his reign (722-705), and also the Sargonide Dynasty of 8
kings in the 2nd part of the Neo Assyrian Empire Period (722-609), ending
with Asshur-ubalit's reign (612-609). Sargon finished conquering Samaria.
Meanwhile, Egypt stirred up Palestine, Syria, Elam Babylonia, and Uratu.
Sargon 1st conquered and destroyed Uratu, then Babylonia before
he fell in battle in a mountain campaign. His death again brought general
defection and rebellion. Sargon's son Sennacherib (704-681) had to fight
for his empire for a long time on all 3 fronts. He attacked Elam with Phoeni-
cian ships brought down on the Tigris and destroyed Babylon after many
battles. He made his son Esarhaddon (680-669), who was a very pro-
Babylonian, governor there.
In the anti-Babylonian rebellion which this step caused, Sennacherib
was killed and Esarhaddon had to pacify Assyria. He was the first Assyrian
king to attack Egypt. He destroyed Sidon in Palestine and conquered the
Nile Delta, but he could not stay, as he had to return and fight the Scythi-
ans and Cimmerians in the mountains. He died on the march to Egypt on
another campaign. Before he left, he made Ashurbanipal king of the realm
(668-626?) and Shamashshumukin king of Babylon; the transition of power
went smoothly, which is unusual in Assyrian history. After 16 years, the Ba-
bylonian king formed an alliance with Assyrian enemies; it took 6 years of
civil war to subdue the rebels and destroy Babylon again.
There is a strange silence about the last 20 years of Ashubanipal's
reign; after that Assyria fell into obscurity with appalling suddenness.
Nabo-polassar, representing a new aggressive Babylonia, attacked old Ba-
bylonian cities still loyal to Assyria. He from the south and Cyaxares the
Median from the north attacked and destroyed first Asshur and then Nine-
veh (612). Asshur-ubalit's last battle in 609 ended his reign and over 1100
years of the ancient Assyria monarchy. Babylonia, under Nebuchadrezzar,
took up Assyrian policy and ruled the Near East as far as Cilicia and Egypt.
They even conquered Jerusalem in 586, which had thus far escaped con-
quest. As mentioned earlier, the last ruler of Babylonia was Nabonidus
(555-539 B.C.)
9. The Country: Tigris and Euphrates Rivers—Geographically
Mesopotamia is separated from Arabia deserts and the Syrian Plateau in
the south and west by the Euphrates' course. Toward the north and the
northeast, however, the political and cultural frontiers were always unsta-
ble in the northern foothills and valleys. Mesopotamia's eastern border
extended a short distance beyond the Tigris' east bank. The southeas-
tern limit is the Persian Gulf and its islands and coastal regions, which
made up a link between the “Fertile Crescent” and the East.
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Both Assyria and Babylonia lay within the borders of today's Iraq.
Assyria originally occupied only the region to the east of the middle course
of the Tigris as far as the foot of the mountains to the east. Later its hol-
dings spread north and west across the land between the rivers. Babylonia
occupied the land formed by the soil deposits from both rivers, south of
Assyria and near the Persian Gulf.
The Tigris and Euphrates are fed by a number of mountain streams
in Armenia. The sources of these 2 rivers are only about 24 km apart in
one place. The Tigris flows east and then southeast in a swift course; it is
navigable in its lower reaches only by reed floats supported by inflated
skins. It flows past Nineveh, Calah, and Asshur—all capitals of Assyria at
one time—to enter the plain near Samarra. The changing course of the
lower river discouraged permanent settlement.
All of the tributaries of the Tigris begin in the Zagros Mountains. The
Euphrates, after leaving the mountains, runs first southwest to reach a
point only 150 km from the Mediterranean. It then turns south and eventu-
ally east; it has only the Hagur and the Belikh for tributaries. Its course is
about 800 km longer than that of the Tigris; it carries less water, but its cur-
rent is much slower, permitting navigation farther upstream.
Both rivers flood annually. The rivers begin swelling with the au-
tumn rains and increase in volume through winter and spring till the snow
melts in the Armenian mountains. The flood wave reaches the plains in
April and especially May; it subsides in June. The timing of the flood in
Mesopotamia isn't as favorable for agriculture as it is in Egypt. The flooding
is late and requires work to prevent the fields from getting too much water.
The soil increases in salt content, making frequent relocations of farming
land necessary. As a result, the digging of new canal systems was essen-
tial to a good king’s economic and political program.
10. Landscape and Agriculture—2 types of landscape can be seen.
1st, there are the plains piled up by the 2 rivers, which push their silt into
the Persian Gulf. Sinking of the tectonic plates counteracted this process
of raising the level of the land. This land's upper levels is suitable for pas-
ture; the lower levels were swamps and yielded cane which was used with
great ingenuity. 2nd, there are the fertile valleys between the hills or along
the tributaries of the Tigris, where rain is sufficient to grow barley and to
raise sheep and goats. The area around the sources of the Habur River, a
Euphrates tributary, makes for the most fertile land between the 2 rivers be-
cause of its volcanic soil.
In Assyria, agriculture could reasonably rely on the October and No-
vember rains which made it possible to prepare the fields for the next har-
vest. In Babylonia, irrigation, if properly managed, could secure a good
harvest every year. The main cereal grown was barley, emmer (primitive
wheat), and wheat. Sesame seeds were the only source of vegetable oil,
and dates were the main source of sugar. Onions, garlic, and leeks are the
vegetables most often mentioned. Vineyards were cultivated only in Upper
Mesopotamia.
Meat was provided by goats and sheep, the latter also supplying the
wool that was the raw material for textiles, exported from Babylonia as far
away as Anatolia. Cattle were used for plowing, and the donkey was the
main beast of burden. Horses, Bactrian camels, dromedaries, and ele-
phants were well known. Horses acquired military importance by pulling
chariots and in the cavalry; they were introduced into the Assyrian army
after the 800s B.C.
11. The People—The region's Settlement history shows many very
old cities in southern Babylonia along the Euphrates ’s lower course, and
very few cities elsewhere. Northern cities of this cluster were Borsippa,
Babylon, Kutha, Kish, and Sippar; the central cities were Nippur; Isin; Adab;
and Shuruppak, with Umma and Lagash to the east; the southern cities
were Eridu, Ur, Larsa, and Uruk. Asshur's position over 200 km to the north
of Babylonian cities on the Tigris could have been because it was a sacred
location.
Cultural contact took place primarily through the Zagros Mountain
in the east, and along the accesses to the Mediterranean in upper Syria to
the west. Through the mountain passes came metals and precious stones;
the early settlers along the rivers became increasingly aware that they nee-
ded these materials. However, the settlers and the mountainfolk rarely lived
in peace. The mountain men entered the valleys variously as workmen, sol-
diers, bandits, and kings. Only Assyria attempted to colonize and pacify
these tribes, which resulted in a series of hybrid civilizations in the moun-
tains and adjacent valleys. Coming in from the south, out of the Arabian de-
serts, the Semitic nomads contributed their language to the Mesopotamian
culture.
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The inhabitants of Mesopotamia proper are referred to successively
as: Sumerians; Babylonians; Hurrians; Assyrians; and Chaldeans. Inva-
ders of these lands included the Guti, the Amorites, and the Kassites; Rai-
ders included the Hittites and the Elamites. Most important among the
foreign ethnic groups that passed through or penetrated Mesopotamia
were the Hurrians or Horites around 2000 B.C.
Hurrians rose to primary importance in the West even before the
Dark Age. How they influenced Assyrian civilization is still difficult to eva-
luate, because it isn't yet possible to gauge how much Assyria owes to
other contacts with the mountain peoples. Once the Medes conquered
Nineveh (612 B.C.), and the Persians conquered Babylon (538 B. C.), the
political independence of Mesopotamia came to an end. When Alexander
conquered Babylonia, it was a satrapy, a province in the Persian Empire.
Sumerians were the first to create a civilization in the region. In an
very short time, they created a civilization that was to leave its imprint on
succeeding civilizations which rose in and around Mesopotamia. The city
of Uruk in the south seems to have been the place where Sumerian civili-
zation reached its peak. The role of the Semites throughout the region's
history, and especially at this time was very important. The Semite immi-
grants who chose to move into cities brought their Akkadian language with
them. They also sought political power; the first to do so was King Sargon
of Agade (around 2350 B.C.). By the time the Sumerian rulers created an
empire from Ur, the Sumerian and Akkadian languages seemed to have
fused, judging from the number of Akkadian words in Sumerian at that time.
12. The Languages—Akkadian is the earliest recorded Semitic lan-
guage and is commonly assigned to the eastern branch of this family of
languages. Its development shares certain things in common with the old
South Arabic dialects, but its vocabulary shows important links with the
West. Akkadian developed mainly into the Babylonian and Assyrian dia-
lects. Each of these dialects had their Old-, their Middle-, and their Neo-
periods. The best-known work in Old Babylonian is the Code of Hammu-
rabi. The Babylonian language increasingly influenced the development
of the Assyrian language at various stages to the extent that Babylonian
language was used for the writing of royal inscriptions, royal letters and
other official documents.
Akkadian first began to take over as the language of the region out-
side the official literary forms. The rise of the dynasties of Isin, Larsa, and
Babylon (1894-1592 B.C.) saw the spoken Sumerian language clearly on
the decline. Other aspects of Akkadian and Sumerian culture had already
blended, so that the changeover to the Akkadian language was only one in
political outlook and aspiration. The Sumerian scribes succeeded in kee-
ping Sumerian alive as a scholarly and sacred language, and in keeping it
from oblivion until the Mesopotamian civilization's disappearance.
The history of the Akkadian language doesn't parallel the ups and
downs of Mesopotamian political power. Before the Dark Age (around
1600-1350 B.C.), Akkadian and the cuneiform system of writing spread into
Anatolia, where it was adapted to write the Hittite Empire's Indo-European
language. After the Dark Age, Akkadian achieved its maximum extension,
reaching Cyprus and Egypt to the west and south, and Asia Minor to the
north. Palestine and Syria used it as the diplomatic language in the west,
as did Hurrians and Hittites to the north. Later, other nations used the Ak-
kadian alphabet to write their own language. One set of Semitic migrants
moved into the cities and spoke Akkadian.
Another set of Semitic migrants preferred to drift between the exis-
ting cities or to settle in small villages, and were reluctant to pay with taxes,
military service, and labor. They first spoke Eastern Canaanite or Amorite
up to the Dark Age; after that they spoke various kinds of Aramaic. They
succeeded in conquering a few cities. While the Arameans failed to have
any political influence upon Assyria and Babylonia in the 1000 years before
Christ, the Akkadian tradition gave way to the efficient alphabetic system of
writing in Aramaic.
Akkadian's eclipse by Aramaic toward the 500 years before Christ,
progressed naturally from the fields marginal to literary and scholarly pro-
duction such as the language of everyday life, to letters, and later to ad-
ministrative and commercial, and finally legal documents. Along with this,
and in contrast to the sedentary and absolute rule of the city-state, the no-
madic background and outlook of all these non-Akkadians were favorable
to the growth of intercity and international political and commercial relations.
13. Writing System and Materials: Scribes and Cuneiform—
While Sumerians extolled the scribal craft, there is no Akkadian reference
to this topic. In Middle and Neo-Assyrian texts, the city scribe appears
among the highest officials. The craft was handed down in families, as
shown by the names appearing at the end of legal texts. The teaching me-
thod consisted in the teacher's writing a sign or word or short sentence on
one side of the tablet while the pupil copied it as best he could on the other.
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Motivated by personal scholarly interest, individual scribes could ac-
cumulate a large number of literary texts to build up a personal collection
of tablets. It should be stressed that a library in the strictest sense of this
term existed only in Nineveh, instituted and supervised by King Ashubani-
pal. A large segment of the tablets, numbering more than 1,000, come
from this king's conquering Babylon and bringing Babylonian originals back
to Nineveh .
In order to teach cuneiform writing, the scribes needed a staggering
number of texts usually called syllabaries or vocabularies, which were a list
of signs, as well as lists of objects, and names of gods, stars, canals, rivers,
personal names, etc. More complicated is the development of the sign lists.
One had the syllables following each other according to the vowel se-
quence u-a-i, one which arranged the signs according to their form, and
one which is termed Ea by Assyriologists, and contained all Sumerian signs
and the many sounds each one represented. Once the list had become ac-
cepted as a form of scholarly presentation, a number of works for the trai-
ning of the scribe were cast in this mold. These were grammatical texts,
used to teach Sumerian grammar to Akkadian scribes.
14. Writing System and Materials: Bilingualism, Word Signs,
and Clay—There can be no doubt that the traditionally enforced bilingua-
lism of the scribal tradition kept interest in grammar and lexicography alive
in Mesopotamia. Sumerian religious texts were provided with Akkadian
translations somewhere on the same tablet. These translations are not
always reliable, but they do shed light on both the Sumerian and the Akka-
dian. In early times, the kings of the Akkad Dynasty had both Akkadian
and Sumerian versions of the inscriptions made. Hammurabi had them
written side by side in one inscription. In Persian times, trilingual inscrip-
tions appeared in Old Persian, Late Babylonian, and Elamite.
The written documents in cuneiform yield an unparalleled insight
into nearly all aspects of the complex Mesopotamian civilization. The varie-
ty, time span, and volume of the contents create a body of evidence which
no other dead civilization can rival. We can see in the Sumerian a change
from using symbols to represent words, to using symbols to represent
sounds. Use of word symbols was essential for accounting and recording
in a bureaucratic setup. When using these symbols for proper names, the
Sumerians use the word signs stripped of their original meaning to write
syllables of the names. This system's complications caused it to disappear
when it had to compete with a far more efficient and easy alphabetic
system.
The principal of using word signs seems to have been invented by
non-Sumerians. Sumerians developed the practice of using signs to ex-
press single syllables rather than entire words. When the Akkadians took
over the Sumerian system of writing, the Akkadian scribes used a large
number of Sumerian word signs to render corresponding Akkadian words.
The use of word signs was later reduced to certain frequently used nouns,
like "god," "king," "city," etc. However, the sounds of quite a number of
signs remained uncertain, and certain signs had more than one use and
meaning; this made for a complicated system. Still, the system was elastic
enough to be used for foreign languages such as Hittite, Elamite, Hurrian,
and Urartean.
Clay can be called the best writing material ever used because of
how permanent the record is. It was extremely cheap and could be found
everywhere. Clay was used in Mesopotamia in 3 main forms: tags safe-
guarding the contents of bags; tablets of many sizes and shapes; and lar-
ger prismatic and rarely barrel-shaped forms which held more and were
less fragile than tablets. The wedge-shaped cuneiform letters were im-
pressed with a stylus, usually of reed, but sometimes of wood or bone. In
the earliest period words were written, always from left to right, in boxes
arranged in vertical columns. Later they were arranged across the tablet.
If a composition is too long to be contained in one tablet, the first line of the
next tablet is indicated.
Official clay tablets used by palaces and temples, and for legal
transactions have very characteristic shapes, from postage-stamp size, to
the size and shape of small cushions. Each period or region is characte-
rized by its preference for a specific shape. The form and content of a tab-
let often went hand in hand. Tablets were often imitated in stone or metal,
especially when used for foundation deposits. In spite of the obvious ad-
vantages of clay, the Mesopotamian scribes sometimes wrote on wooden
tablets with a thin layer of wax.
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15. Nonliterary Texts: Bureaucracy and Diplomacy—When offi-
cials with limited tenure run a complex bureaucracy, written records are
essential. Sumerian bureaucracy left an immense number of texts which
are records covering the movement of goods and animals into or out of the
custody of an official. Their bureaucratic techniques followed cuneiform
writing outside of Mesopotamia to places like Elam, Mari, Chagar-Bazar,
Nuzi, and Alalakh.
Sumerian letter formula, which was used primarily for administra-
tive purposes, represents an order given to the messenger to recite the
message to the addressee. Another place letters were used was in in-
ternational relations. There were letters exchanged between Ibbi-Sin, Ur
III dynasty's last king, and Ishbi-Irra, the first king of the Isin Dynasty.
There are also letters from Hammurabi to the kings of Mari.
These diplomatic letters are far overshadowed by the Amarna
Letters, found in the Egyptian ruins of Akh-en-Aton's new capital. They
contained letters to and from Babylonian, Assyrian, Hittite, Mitanni, and
Cypriot kings. It sheds light on a period of Near Eastern history which
otherwise would have remained completely dark. Similar texts were
found in Palestine—in Sichem, Lachish, and Ugarit. Another archive
was found at Quyunjiq, consisting of more than 1200 letters; 200 of
them are from Sargon II to Ashurbanipal.
16. Nonliterary Texts: Royal Letters; Law Codes— Assyrian
kings began their letters with “order of the king” (abat sharri). When
the king would ask for an interpretation of an omen, the scholar would
begin his letter by quoting a passage from an omen text which fit the
circumstances that had prompted the king to ask the scholar for infor-
mation; at the end he gives his name. Kings also had a literary use for
these letters; they would address letters to various gods, to Asshur, to
other gods of the capital, and to its citizens to report victories. Private
citizens also wrote letters to the gods as an act of piety. Letter writing
is an art greatly appreciated in the Sumerian scribal schools.
A number of law codes have survived in tablet form: 2 Sumerian
codes; 2 Old Babylonian codes; and a Middle Assyrian from the 1000s
B.C., of which we have only fragments. 2 Sumerian codes are those of
Ur-Nammu, king of Ur, and Lipit-Ishtar, king of Isin. The code of Lipit-
Ishtar may have contained around 1200 lines, including an introduction
and a lengthy epilogue, and was found among the tables at Nippur. The
first of 2 Old Babylonian codes is from Eshnunna, beyond the Tigris and
also has an introduction.
The tall stone tablet containing the Code of Hammurabi is the
best known and largest of the surviving codes. It has an introduction
and a lengthy epilogue, but in spite of its size fails to cover essential
fields of the law, such as murder and sales. What is interesting and im-
portant are the facts that, 1st, there are few allusions in other legal texts
or letters or even royal inscriptions to these collections of laws; and 2nd,
those legal texts dealing with topics regulated by these laws don't show
that they were ever actually in force. They do give us insights into the
Babylonian kings' social concerns and interests.
17. Nonliterary Texts: Treaties; Royal Land Grants; and Legal
Documents—Contractual arrangements between kings or cities to ter-
minate a state of war are known from the Sumerian period but are quite
rare in Babylonia. Allusions to international treaties occur at times in the
diplomatic correspondence from Mari. Most treaties we now have were
found in the Hittite capital, and were written in Akkadian or Hittite. There
was an international treaty between the Hittite king Hattushili III and Pha-
roah Ramses II, and there are treaties between a number of Hittite kings
and their vassals, which spell out the duties of the vassal and what he
could expect for protection from the king. They end with an invocation to
the gods of both parties to serve as witnesses.
The Neo-Assyrian treaties of Ashurniarari VI and Esarhaddon are
very primitive in their appeals to the gods. They describe symbo-
lic acts which illustrate in a very crude manner the fate of the offender.
Since the treaties were with Western Semites, their customs of sacrifi-
cing animals, etc. had to be respected in sanctifying treaties. The Charter
of Asshur is a treaty-like arrangement between Sargon and the inhabi-
tants of Asshur, which grants them tax exemptions that his predecessor
had abolished. We also have an loyalty oath that Assyrian high officials
had to take, requiring them to report everything to the king. There are
also official instructions by the king to high officials, which the Assyrians
had in common with the Hittites.
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Royal land grants used boundary markers called kudurru stones to
make the grants official. They were oval or longish cylindrical stones or
stone tablets. The kudurru stones were set up on fields, while tablets
were deposited in temples, and include or consist of divine symbols of all
kinds. We also find reliefs carved on them representing kings, either
alone or with the grantee. There is a curse placed on any who would re-
move the stone. These stones give us unique information about lan-
guage, legal practices, and history.
All private legal documents, be they Sumerian or Akkadian, show
the same pattern. They first mention and identify the object of the trans-
action; then they give the names of the persons who are concluding the
transaction. To these minimal requirements may be added a number of
clauses dealing with details of payments and secondary points. They all
list the present witnesses' names at the transaction and nearly always,
the name of the scribe who wrote the tablet, although he never served as
notary.
In the earlier periods, in both Assyria and Babylonia, the tablet was
placed in a clay envelope on which the entire text was repeated to pro-
tect the original against fraudulent alterations. The kinds of legal transac-
tions include: sale of slaves; sale of houses and fields; sales on credit;
obligations regarding delivery dates; rent of all kinds of things; hiring; di-
vorce settlements; wills; obligations regarding the raising of children; ap-
prenticeship contracts; court settlements and warranties. Criminal pro-
ceedings were apparently not recorded on tablets.
18. Religious Texts—Paramount among religious cultic texts in the
strictest sense of the term is the Enūma Elišh (Creation Epic), some 7 tab-
lets with 115 to 170 lines a piece, that was recited in the Marduk temple in
Babylon on the 4th day of the New Year Festival. The 1st tablet tells of
the sequence of the generations of the primeval deities up to Ea, the first-
born of Anu. In the 2nd tablet, they chose the young god Marduk to save
the elder gods from an emergency that even the eldest Ea could not han-
dle. Marduk exacts a promise that he would enjoy full superiority over all
as the fruits of his victory.
It is obvious from the writing in the 3rd-5th tablets, that the priestly
poet could muster little enthusiasm for Marduk's battle. He showed much
more interest in the organization of the cosmos by its new ruler. The 6th
tablet ends with the assembled gods in their newly built heaven solemnly
recognizing the superiority of Marduk. The 7th contains the 50 honorific
names given by them to Marduk.
There are also ritual texts, which prescribe in detail the activities
priests in certain ceremonies. One from Babylon, written on at least 23
tablets, describes in elaborate detail the rituals for the 2nd to the 5th day
of the New Year's festival. It gives the time and place for every act of the
priest, and often quotes verbatim the prayers and benedictions to be said,
instead of giving them by title only.
The main body of religious texts are prayers, most of which were
recited with lifted-up hands. Each prayer begins with an invocation and
the praise of the deity addressed, followed by the worshiper’s complaint
and ending with thanks and blessings. In Akkadian terms it is viewed as
a “conjuration.” Certain prayers serve expressed religious feelings, or im-
parted magical effectiveness to the objects used in those conjurations.
2 important series, called Surpu and Maqlu were designed for the
incantation priest and for the patient who doesn't know either what evil in-
fluence on somebody else's part, or what mistake of his own caused his
suffering. Surpu first identifies the cause, then magically transfers the
cause to a carrier, and finally burns the carrier. There are also conjura-
tions that address the torch, the fire, and the sulphur to ensure their effect
in annihilating the sin.
In the Maqlu, the suffering caused by evil magic is dealt with; the
sorcerer or sorceress is burnt in effigy along with the conjurations that are
used. The conjurations vary greatly in style and literary value, from the
“Prayer to the Gods of the Night,” to hackneyed repetitions of the custo-
mary phrases. In the case of mortal danger to the king, a substitute king
might have been installed under appropriate ceremonies to carry the
brunt of the attack and to be put to death in order to spare the real king.
For theology, early Sumerian and Old Babylonian have their god
lists. The largest was found in Ashurbanipal's library. In 12 columns of
minute writing, it lists 1500 deities in elaborate groups according to rank
and their relationship with each other. Cuneiform religious literature rarely
allows the subjective lyricism which Western tradition expects as part of
an expression of personal piety. 2 of the rare exceptions are the “Prayer
to the Gods of the Night,” and “Let Me Praise the Lord of Wisdom,” which
has a suffering prince that is reminiscent of Job.
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19. Omen Literature—The belief that whatever unusual things
happen within human perception occur for the benefit of those who know
what to look for as messages from a supernatural agent is shared by many
civilizations. We have collections of omen texts that record such ominous
events from the Old Babylonian period all the way up to the Seleucid.
They all first state the “case” or event and then foretell the future based on
it. Only in exceptional cases is there any logical relation between portent
and prediction, and the prediction contained in the apodosis (the "then
clause of an "If... then" sentence) is considered only as a warning, regard-
less of how specific and detailed it is worded.
Dream omens are not often represented. Faced with the difficult
task of writing a dream book, the scribes resorted to organizing tablets on
the basis of certain definite activities of the person in the dream (e.g. ea-
ting, drinking, traveling, etc.). The divination technique that made Meso-
potamia famous is astrology. Some astrological omen tablets come from
Asshur and Calah; the majority of them come from the Nineveh library.
The series first treats the moon, then the sun, then meteorological events,
and eventually the planets.
Even the physician had a omen texts collection made up for his
use. The omens were based on the appearance of parts of the patient's
body, beginning with the skull and ending with the ankles and toes. The
diagnostic omens do not refer to specific diseases in our sense but rather
give the name of the god or demon who inflicted the symptoms upon the
patient. The prognostic omens bluntly predict survival or death, length of
illness or length of time left. Only in a few instances is even a magical
treatment prescribed.
The largest omen series known is called summa alu in mele sakin
(“If a city is situated on a hill”) and was made up of at least 107 tablets.
Only a quarter of the 107 are preserved at all, and many of those poorly.
This series seems to have been compiled as a collection to incorporate
all the numerous large and small groups of omen texts which existed by
themselves in the Old Babylonian period.
Once a connection between an ominous event or feature and a sub-
sequent happening is discerned and expected, one wants to change this
1-way communication between god and self to a 2-way system and to elicit
divine responses to situations created for this very purpose. From acciden-
tal omens one progresses to provoked omens. There are indications that
birds were released for the purpose of observing their behavior and that
dreams were expected and movements of animals were induced and
omens derived from them. Both practices fell into disuse after the Old Ba-
bylonian period.
One practice that continued was the reading of omens in the organs
of sacrificed animals. There is evidence that it was used in all periods in
Mesopotamia and exclusively for the king and the army. The body of texts
on this subject surpasses in size all other omen texts. There existed a very
complicated and elaborate technical terminology which referred to specific
features of the individual parts. The positive and negative features were
added up and a good or bad omen was pronounced depending on whether
there were more positive or negative features. If the answer was not posi-
tive, the examination could be repeated.
20. Secular Literature: Epic of Gilgamesh—There are 4 other
kinds of texts that had nothing to do with cult or personal piety: epics; royal
inscriptions; wisdom texts; and miscellaneous texts. Foremost among the
epics—and not only in size—is the Epic of Gilgamesh. Its 12 tablets and
3,000 lines were found in the library of Ashurbanipal. Tablets 1-11 tell the
story; tablet 12 gives, as a kind of appendix, a description of the nether
world.
First, the Akkadian poet expresses the intention and scope of his
opus, then the listener is invited to admire the walls of Uruk, built by Gilga-
mesh; the story ends with Gilgamesh showing these same walls, using
identical words to refer to them. The story proceeds with stately grace,
elaborate descriptions, and lively dialogues alternated with episodes that
are well told and integrated into the flow of happenings.
The basic topic is the all-powerful king who is descended from the
gods but is mortal, and who rebels against the idea that he must die like
everyone else. In the Sumerian version, his expedition to Cedar Moun-
tain represented his first attempt to obtain immortality. The Akkadian poet
changed it into one of several famous deeds, such as the rejection of Ish-
tar's love, the oppression of Uruk, and the fight against the Bull of Heaven.
The character of Enkidu is instrumental to the story; he is the friend
of Gilgamesh in the Akkadian version, while in the Sumerian version, he is
Gilgamesh's servant. Enkidu may have been instrumental in bringing about
the triumph of Gilgamesh over Huwawa, the guardian of the cedar, because
here he commits an act for which he has to pay with his life later on. It is
precisely his death that starts Gilgamesh on his quest.
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In the “Fortunate Isle,” he finds Utnapishtim, the only man who had
succeeded in becoming immortal. In his quest for immortality, Gilgamesh
is 3 times given the opportunity to realize his goal, but every time he fails
or is cheated of it. He fails to stay awake for six days; he washes himself
and his clothes in the “Fountain of Youth” and fails to drink of it; he loses
the Plant of Life to a snake. Defeated, he returns to Uruk; it was his desti-
ny to become judge of the underworld.
Yet, for all its sweep, from heaven to the nether world, and all its in-
tense human appeal in the themes of friendship and the horror of death,
the Epic of Gilgamesh apparently failed to appeal to the Akkadians. No
copies survived from the scribal schools of Nippur, Uruk, or elsewhere;
none was found in the large collections of Asshur. Not only that, but it is
not even referred to any of the other cuneiform texts that we have.
21. Secular Literature: Other Epics—The Epic of Zu deals with
the heroic exploits of a junior god, Ninurta, who succeeded where all other
gods failed. He recaptures from the mythical Zu-bird, the all-powerful
charm of Enlil, which ensures the universe's correct functioning. There is
also the famous short text called Ishtar's Descent to the Nether World. It
describes the entrance and the exit of the goddess through the 7 gates
of the nether world, as well as the god Ea's ruse to save her from imprison-
ment there.
There are many fragments surviving from the Etana story. Etana is
the king of Kish but without offspring. He is sent by Shamash in search of
“the plant of birth.” The conflict of an eagle and a snake are also part of
the story. The snake imprisons the eagle; Etana frees the eagle and rides
upon his back to the heaven of Anu. We don't have the story's end, but
one can safely assume that Etana obtained the plant of birth. In another
story Adapa is a hero in the Greek sense of the word. He shares with Gil-
gamesh divine ancestors, a mortal body, and a failure to obtain immortality.
Adapa breaks the wings of the South wind, and is called before Anu to an-
swer for his deed.
There is a lot of evidence of the practice of writing epics to be used
as charms. The Epic of Era was found written on amulet-shaped tablets
that were hung up to protect a house from Era's rage. The god himself be-
stows blessings on those who praise it, from king to scribe, and assures
the house where the text is kept freedom from pestilence. The content of
the epic is still rather obscure. It seems to be about how the god Marduk
left the city of Babylon in the care of Era and Ishum and of the subsequent
destruction of Babylon by the Elamite Shutruk-Nahunte. We have bits and
pieces of many stories that survived, but in most cases too little has sur-
vived to be able to say very much about them.
22. Secular Literature: Royal Inscriptions— The inscriptions of
the Assyrian and Babylonian kings are primarily considered source mate-
rial for the historian, and their literary merits have hardly been investigated.
In Assyria, Arik-den-li (1319-1308 B.C.) and Shalmaneser I (1272-1242
B.C.) are the first kings to arrange records in the form of annals. Charac-
teristic of royal inscriptions of the Babylonian kings are highly descriptive
titles they give themselves, titles which describe their piety and achieve-
ments. The kings of the Hammurabi Dynasty started the Akkadian prac-
tice of listing the blessing they expected in return for their pious deeds.
The kings of the First Babylonian Dynasty of Babylon like to name their
adversaries and refer in some detail to their victories.
The Sargonide branch of the Assyrian kings produced by far the
most royal inscriptions that still survive. Tiglath-pileser produced reports
on hunting expeditions and reports on the care given to botanical gardens
and to rare and foreign animals. Some kings were poetic (Sargon) and
some kings were very technical (Sennacherib). Interest in royal inscrip-
tions is further shown by the numerous copies of old inscriptions on sta-
tues, bricks, etc., made by later scribes. Included in these are legends
that attached themselves to famous rulers, to Sargon the founder of a dy-
nasty, and to Ibbi-Sin, whose empire was crushed by invasions. Sargon's
legend includes his birth, floating down a river in a basket, and his rescue
and rise to power.
Others of these copied inscriptions refer to historical events and
kings of the present or the more recent past. In one, the scribes and poets
take great pains to explain why Marduk abandoned his city to the Hittites.
In another, a poem directs a vigorous criticism of Nabonidus, one of the
last kings during Babylon's political independence. It criticizes his building
of new temples and creating new images of old gods. The priestly author
takes pains to point out that Nabonidus was not at all the scholar and in-
spired diviner of the truth he is purported to be but, in fact, an ignoramus
and a blasphemer. The Persian King Cyrus, on the other hand is de-
scribed in glowing terms, partly because he restored the clergy to power.
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23. Secular Literature: Wisdom Texts; Humor—Wisdom texts
are an important source for the study of the moral and social attitudes of
Mesopotamians. There is a large quantity containing Sumerian proverbs
and a smaller collection of Akkadian proverbs, which are related to the Su-
merian. By their very nature, they represent one of the most difficult text
categories to be investigated. Quite a few proverbial sayings and color-
ful phrases can be found in letters.
The imagery of these proverbs is mainly rooted in the context of the
daily life and worries of the Mesopotamian people, and represents a very
practical wisdom. Like the proverbs, the Akkadian fables have to be rela-
ted to the Sumerian texts, with their disputes between plants, animal, and
even materials. In Sumerian we have dialogues between Winter and Sum-
mer, Silver and Bronze, the Pickax and the Plow and others. From Akka-
dian, we get dialogues between the Date Palm and Tamarisk, the Bull and
the Horse, etc.
4 texts deserve special mention. 1st, the Theodicy consists of a
dialogue written as an acrostic poem. The skeptic elaborates on the eter-
nal topic of his misfortunes, which contrasts with the success of the ungod-
ly. He writes on the worthlessness of all human endeavors, on a lack of
social justice, etc. His pious adversary extols the virtues of devotion to the
gods, whose wisdom in distributing success and failure remains beyond
human understanding, and suggests that the skeptic resign himself to ac-
cepting good and evil as the gods have allotted them. 2nd, we have part
of the Speculum Principis, only one short, 60-line tablet. It contains very
brief political precepts meant as a guide to the king in preserving lights
and dispensing justice to the “free” cities and people under his rule.
3rd, on a Seleucid tablet and an Assyrian one, we have a comical
dialogue between a Master and a servant, where the master gives an
order, and the servant dissuades him by quoting proverbs. When the mas-
ter revokes the order, the servant makes exactly the opposite case by quo-
ting from the same source of proverbs. Everywhere, the servant is shown
to be much brighter than his master. 4th, there is the folk tale of the Poor
Man of Nippur about a poor man who takes his revenge on an unjust offi-
cial by a series of roguish pranks. It sheds light on everyday speech,
mores, and workaday life of the lower classes.
24. Institutions—In order to understand the Assyrio-Babylonian
civilization, we need to look at the social structure and at the 3 most impor-
tant institutions that coordinated that society. In Assyria, there was little, if
any, genuine urbanization; and agriculture, dependent here on rainfall,
was primarily a village affair. The population consisted basically of poor
farmers living in village communities, and of a thin layer of a ruling class
of feudal lords or foreign conquerors. The village units showed a definite
and tenacious resistance to urbanization but adapted themselves easily to
a feudal organization. They were willing to pay with products and work for
the support of a feudal lord, who might be replaced overnight or be perma-
nently absent from court.
These feudal lords demanded a kingship quite different in concept
from that of Babylonia. With their king they went to war annually and
made raids upon the enemy after the harvest. The king obtained wealth
and power by conquest; internal colonization centered in newly built royal
cities populated with displaced conquered peoples, prisoners of war, and
natives forced to settle there. All this was kept together and functioning
by sheer force; any political change caused immediate disintegration and
collapse.
Villages were quite rare in Babylonia, because the irrigation re-
quired by their climate and their production of cereal grains can only ope-
rate on a large scale with an overall authority in place. The annual floo-
ding's timing was not advantageous; much protective work was required,
and the increase of salt content in the soil had to be counteracted by dig-
ging new canals that dislocated the arable territory's boundaries. The
consequences for Babylonia were far-reaching, for they materialized in a
movement away from a central location, which could break the economic
prosperity of a city, and move political power to marginal regions. Only
when a city had become the seat of a dynasty and could live off the spoils
of war or on tribute could it survive such changes.
On the matter of trade, the Assyrian traders were active up to the
time of Shamshi-Adad I (1812-1780 B.C.) in Asia Minor. The Babylonian
export of textiles produced by slaves created the means of importing me-
tals for essential and prestige purposes and stone for decoration before
the Dark Age. After the Dark Age we find a different situation. The tra-
ders who once traveled along the Euphrates, through Syria, and to the
Hittite capital were now royal emissaries, enjoying royal protection. Not
much is said about trade after that.
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It may have been that Mesopotamian trade had changed from ex
port-import activity to the more profitable carrying trade linking the East
with the Mediterranean countries. It is clear that the trader profited and
may have grown rich, but the trader's part was only participation in profits,
pooling of funds, and sharing of responsibility. Apparently the trader never
held sole financial responsibility or enjoyed freedom of action.
25. King and Palace—From the Mesopotamian point of view, there
existed only one institution in our sense, and that was kingship. It was of
divine origin and therefore sacred in nature. Grammatically the name of
the king was in the same class, and was indicated by the same sign that
was used to indicate gods and objects of worship.
But to speak of “deification” is a gross rationalization. In Assyria,
the royal person's sanctity was expressed by its supernatural and awein-
spiring radiance, which was also a characteristic of deities and all things
divine. This sheen or halo terrified his foes but was taken away from the
king when he lost divine support. The special relationship existing be-
tween king and god, which materialized in the successes of the ruler in war
and the prosperity of his country in peace was often expressed in terms of
family relations.
There are deep-seated differences between Babylonian and Assyri-
an concepts of kingship. The Assyrian king was the god Asshur's high
priest, while the Babylonian king was admitted into Marduk's room only
once a year, and then without royal insignia. The Assyrian king had to be
crowned anew every year, whereas this wasn't necessary in Babylonia.
The annual crowning in Assyria and the custom of having the king repre-
senting all the people before the gods suggests that he was originally 1st
among equals in a loose tribal union of sheiks.
The king’s person had to be carefully protected from disease and evil
magic influences. So, adjoining the throne room of each Assyrian palace
there is a room for ritual ablutions. And the personnel of the Assyrian and
Babylonian courts differed widely. The Assyrian king was surrounded by of-
ficials whose task it was to execute his orders; the Babylonian king was sur-
rounded by the administrators of his palace.
The Babylonian king had a vizier, and service to the king was put on
the same level as service to the gods. The Assyrian kings were always
careful not to offend their high officials, whose loyalty to the dynasty they
had to secure by oaths and agreements to ensure the crown prince's suc-
cession. The palace redistributed the wealth coming into the country and
came into stiff competition and conflict with the similar system used by the
temple.
26. City and Temple—While the economic importance of the temple
in Mesopotamia constantly declined, the conflict between the palace and the
free city gained in importance. There were royal attempts to restrict the free-
doms of the old cities and the creation of new cities under the king's control.
They developed early in southern Mesopotamia, with suburbs, and a harbor
that had a specific political status connected with trade.
Each city contained a palace and at least one temple. The city was a
legal person and a political body in our sense. The growth or decay of the
city depended on the importance of the 2 institutions it harbored: temple and
palace. Each city had a definite individuality which often reflected in its his-
tory. Nippur was a sacred town. Sippar occupied a unique position in the
Old Babylonian period commercially, and as a link with semi-nomadic tribes
of the Upper Euphrates. Archaeologists did not excavate Borsippa until
1980-2003.
From the point of view of urbanism, the Babylonian cities built on the
plains formed by soil deposits from the annual floods show significant separa-
tion between the temple and the palace. Each was situated in a separate
walled enclosure within the entrenched city; the city government was in the
city gates, where the inhabitants of the city quarters met in assembly.
The pattern was different in Assyria. There temple and palace
moved together; one wall enclosed them, the treasury and the barracks of
the royal guard; this formed a city within a city. The compound could be
situated in the center of the city or on a high artificial terrace straddling the
city wall. The peripheral emplacement of the inner city and the fact that
its buildings were placed on a terrace show the king as high priest separa-
ted in a sacred city by an enclosure. At the turn of the 2nd millennium of
their culture, the inhabitants of the oldest cities began to acquire a special
status and require a special deference from the king, beyond the exemp-
tions from taxation, work details, and military service.
We don't know much about the history of the Mesopotamian temple
as an institution. Economically the temple would take in gifts and rents and
dispense rations and other payments. In the community, the temple had the
functions of administering oaths, establishing weights, measures and the in-
terest rates for loans. The building of sanctuaries and providing them funds
was a royal privilege at all times.
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It is difficult to establish what the temple meant for the private citizen
in the frame of his personal religious life. The participation of the private
person was pretty much restricted to the cycle of those annual cultic events
when the image was moved outside the temple; the private person was far
removed from any intimate or personal contact with the gods cult.
27. Mesopotamian Gods; God Images—The sources we have to
work with offer an extremely complex picture of the gods of the Mesopota-
mian people, not only because of the length of their civilization, but be-
cause it represents a fusion of Sumerian and Akkadian deities. The result
is best illustrated by a god list that contained more than 1500 names and
yet failed to mention names well known from other sources. This fusion of
the gods of different cultures led to a blurring of the individual personalities
of all but the most outstanding and characteristic figures.
The gods fall into the categories of old gods and young ones. Anu
is the oldest god; his realm is remote heaven. Enhil, when he developed
from the god of the city of Nippur to ruler of the gods, assumed much of
the remoteness of Anu. Ea shared the rule of heaven and earth with Anu
and Enhil; his realm was the waters surrounding the earth and those below
it; he was the patron god of exorcism. Marduk was at first a young god, but
Babylon's political importance moved him into the rank of the rulers of the
cosmos. Ninurta, Enhil's son, had no city of his own. Nabu, Marduk's son,
became Borsippa's god and was the patron god of the scribes.
The foremost astral deities were, of course Shamash, the sun-god,
and city god of Larsa and Sippar and Sin, the moon-god and city god of
Ur and Harran. Shamash was the judge of heaven and earth and was
concerned with protecting the poor and the unjustly treated. Unique
among the gods of Mesopotamia is Asshur god of the city of Asshur. Ass-
hur was provided by his theologians with all the trappings of a lord of the
universe, creator and organizer of the cosmos, father of the gods, when
Assyria became the region's dominant power. He was connected with a
mountain sacred to him and had a sanctuary there.
The god Nerga was the city god of Cutha and along with his wife
Eresh-kigal, the ruler of the realm of the dead. Ishtar stands in stark con-
trast to the various other mother-goddesses of the region as both the bat-
tle-loving warrior-goddess who gives victory to the king she loves, and as
the goddess of sexual life. There is remarkably little foreign influence on
the Babylonian or Assyrian gods.
While gods were thought to reside in various cosmic localities, a
varying amount of sanctity was considered inherent in a number of locali-
ties on earth. The sacredness of mountains is well attested, especially in
Assyria. The 2 rivers Tigris and Euphrates were likewise considered sa-
cred, especially their sources. While there were sacred mythical trees,
nothing is known of the sacredness of actual trees.
Fundamentally, the deity was considered present in his image, li-
ving in the temple much in the same way as the king resided in his palace.
Most images were made of precious wood plated with gold, with staring
eyes of precious stone. Assyrian kings state repeatedly that they had ima-
ges made of important deities according to their own ideas, while in Baby-
lonian the conservatism there caused even the slightest change in an ima-
ge's appearance by the king to trigger great opposition from the priest and
the city.
The images were constructed or repaired in special workshops of
the temple. In the morning, the statues of the minor gods were brought
before the important ones. Meals were “served,” platters were passed be-
fore the image; sometimes the food was set on the table and curtains were
drawn around it and the image. The “leftovers” were at times sent to the
king, to have him partake of the food blessed by the god. The food itself
was to be ritually clean and prepared in prescribed ways. The images
were often carried in procession through the temples' spacious yards to
visit other images in elaborate ceremonials. There were the sacred cere-
monial marriage festivals in which the god met his spouse.
What ever comfort or help they could expect from charms, exorcists,
and omens, the Mesopotamians had developed the idea that each human
being was endowed with a unique and personal nature. This nature cir-
cumscribed one's life in terms of luck or misfortune, survival or death. Al-
though they were ever ready to turn to the unseen powers with prayers to
change their natures, a dignified resignation characterized the outlook of
the Mesopotamian as an individual.
28. Arts and Culture—Mesopotamian art showed major achieve-
ments and originality in only 2 mediums of artistic aspiration. 1st, there
was the monumental architecture of temple and palace. The use of bricks
and roof beams limited the range of technical possibilities.
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Bricks were joined with mud instead of mortar and hidden behind a
mud facing, and the length of the beams determined the width of rooms,
since columns, etc., were not used. Instead, the brick walls had rhythmi-
cally distributed stepped recesses and buttresses in strategic locations.
The mud layer hiding the bricks was decorated with white and colored pla-
ster with painted designs, with mosaics made of colored clay cones, or by
cutting stone slabs in relief.
Temples were built with a major entrance provided with buttressed
towers which led into a spacious paved yard, surrounded on 3 sides by
rows of auxiliary rooms. Somewhere within that space was an altar or well.
In the 4th side was a buttressed or intricately recessed entrance that
opened into the small room that sheltered the god, whose image was
placed on a slightly elevated podium before a recessed niche.
An essential feature of a Mesopotamian temple was from very
early the temple tower. These garishly colored, staged and crenellated
towers rising high above the white-faced temples made Mesopotamia fa-
mous, as their mention in the Bible shows. In Babylonia, the structures
were made of an earthen core, and placed apart from the temple. They
were accessible by outside stairways. In Assyria, temple towers were with-
in the temple, placed so that the image's niche penetrated into the core of
it. It either had no means of access or held the stairs within its confines.
The purpose and the function of these impressive structures are unknown.
Temples and palaces were similar. The essential part of the palace
was the throne room, where the king received ambassadors and tribute-
bearing vassals. The throne's placement corresponded to the image's
preferred position in its room. In Babylonia, one had to turn 90 degrees to
face the image or throne after entering the room; in Assyria, the image or
throne faced the entrance.
Assyrian palaces had a characteristic topic on their murals-repre-
sentations of the king as a protégé of the gods and as an ever-victorious
warrior shown slaughtering the defeated in battle scenes. These scenes
were first captured on murals and later on stone panels cut in shallow re-
lief. They lined the courts, the throne rooms, and other important halls for
roughly the last third of this civilization's 1800-year existence.
Mesopotamia's 2nd major achievement was small-scale engravings
on the precious stone of cylinder seals. Here we meet a fairy-tale world of
monsters and demons, with enthroned deities, numerous animals in pro-
cession before a king or god, pious worshipers and battling heroes. They
act as a sensitive barometer of foreign influence, and of the native artistic
creativity that would otherwise not have broken through the heavy crust of
traditional or conventional thinking. The spirit and superb technique of
this art managed to survive nearly 2,000 years of delicate refining and be-
coming the conventional way of representing human beings.
Few of the other art objects from Mesopotamia appeal to Western
aesthetic conventions. There is a marble face, the bronze, elegant head of
an Akkadian king, and a few statues. The rest seems too mechanical and
stuck in the formalism of the period. What most stelae and reliefs seem
to portray beyond their subjects is the artist's boredom with the extremely
traditional way of thinking. The exception to this is the array of monstrous
beings that Mesopotamian artists knew how to endow with startling per-
suasiveness.
In respect to culture, Mesopotamia exercised influence upon its
neighbors to the North, Northwest, and West by means of its language
and system of writing. Elam to the East, Armenia to the North, the Hit-
tites and the Hurrians to the West, and Syria and the eastern Mediterra-
nean to the South all felt Mesopotamia's influence. Their influence even
reached Egypt in the form of the cylinder seal, a desire for a system of wri-
ting, and certain features of monumental architecture. In the contact of the
Hebrews with this civilization, we have the unique instance of a deported
nation returning to its homeland. And we certainly may mention the Bible
as a vehicle for a number of religious and literary concepts of Mesopota-
mian origin.
29. Sciences—In science, Mesopotamia's achievements in mathe-
matics and mathematical astronomy can well stand comparison with the
accomplishments of other civilizations up to Newton's time. The earliest
texts we have are from the Hammurabi period. 1st, we have multiplication
and division tables, and 2ndly mathematical problems, sometimes with a
detailed solution, sometimes with no solution at all.
A-96
The rise of Babylonian astronomy took place in the 400s B. C. Be-
fore that we have observations of the appearance and disappearance of
Venus. Then we have observations on the arrangement of the fixed stars
in 3 ways, and on the planets, the moon and seasons around 700 B. C.
There are also reports to Assyrian kings on eclipses and movements of
planets.
Then however, begins with amazing speed the development of
mathematical astronomy in Babylonia. A workable fixed lunar-solar calen-
dar was needed, so a zodiac was created for the movements of the sun
and the planets. Observations were made of the varying lengths of the
days and nights during the year, and arithmetical progressions were used
to express the variations in the movements of heavenly bodies.
Babylonian medicine was primitive and crude compared to Egyp-
tian medicine, relying on exorcism, rituals, and a rather confused use of
medicinal herbs. There is no evidence available that their physicians
practiced surgery. Mesopotamian technology is likewise unimpressive.
They knew enough to admire the achievements of those that they con-
quered, but nowhere can one observe any marked advance beyond the
level at which we meet them in the Sumerian civilization. There are indi-
cations of Babylonia losing various manufacturing technologies, and resis-
ting, nearly always with success, any outside stimulus.
Mesopotamia, and in particular Assyria maintained contacts with
foreign civilizations in varying degrees of intensity over the 3 millennium of
its known history. These contacts were far more effective in the earliest
periods than they were later on. Mesopotamia, in respect to technology,
received from the East and gave to the West. From India, Mesopotamia
received its feathered animals, the chicken and eventually the peacock.
From Central Asia it received horses, camels, etc.; both were passed on to
the West.
30. Historical Sources—In the strictest sense, deliberate recording
of Mesopotamia history is properly set in the period from Tiglath-pileser III
(745-727) and his Babylonian counterpart Nabu-nasir to Antiochus I, Soter
(280-261 B.C.). Not very many years of this stretch of nearly 500 years
are represented in the Mesopotamian Chronicles. Their style is factual
and terse, but they are of great importance not only for their own history,
but also for the Old Testament and even Greek history. Some of these
texts record in similar style events before the Dark Age. Their content is
necessarily more legendary but still an important source of information for
the time from Sargon of Agade to Sumuabu of Babylonia.
Another sign of historical awareness is the king lists, which reach
from the mythical moment “when kingship descended from heaven” to the
Diadochi. They give the kings’ names and the lengths of their reigns, di-
vide them into dynasties, and provided remarks which show the influence
of various political concepts. For the last centuries of Assyro-Babylonian
history, there is one list that coordinates the reigns of the kings of the 2
lands. Awareness of history expresses itself in royal inscriptions and in
references to kings of the past.
Although they were not intended as such, there were Assyrian and
Babylonians lists that are now of historical value. In Assyria, the years of
a king's reign were identified with a high official’s name; that name was
used in a consistent order. In Babylonia, every year was named after an
event that had occurred in the year before, with name changes occurring
in the mid-year to reflect an actual event. The deaths of foreign kings are
mentioned at times.
The main body of historical information, however, is contained in
the so-called royal inscriptions, beginning with Mesannepadda of Uruk,
and ending with Antiochus I, Soter. They range from a few signs on vo-
tive offerings to rock inscriptions of Gehistun, from small clay cones to
prisms containing many hundreds of lines. Very few of them were writ-
ten primarily to inform us of a king's achievements; most of them were
buried as foundation deposits, placed in dark corridors or on inaccessible
rocks.
As essential as these texts are to reconstructing Mesopotamian his-
tory, it must be remembered that they are written in highly stylized, some-
times poetic, language. Events are sometimes arranged geographically,
and sometimes chronologically. They are extended, embellished, reduced,
or telescoped to fit the requirements of space or of the specific purpose of
the inscription. It is even possible to discover personal preferences and
mannerism of the kings. Assyrian kings seem to have had a love of details
and exact figures, while Babylonian kings avoid a factual format, preferring
old-fashioned and vague terms.
The timing of events can't be placed with certainty any further back
than the 700s B.C. For anything further back than that, the historian has to
rely on dead reckoning and on the comparing of events that occurred at
that same time. The key events being used to date other events are the be-
ginning of Hammurabi's reign and an astronomical event that happens
every 64 years. 3 years are suggested for his reign—1856, 1792, and
1728 B.C, none of which fit all the evidence we have today. This article
uses the date of 1792.
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31. Archaeological Notes—The first travelers interested in ancient
history began to pass through this area in 1576. Their curiosity was natu-
rally stimulated by the Bible stories about the tower of Babel, which they
saw in the impressive ruins of Aqar Quf, and the destruction of Nineveh.
The spectacular ruins of Persepolis—outside of Mesopotamia—have to be
credited with attracting most of the attention through their inscriptions on
stone, which led to deciphering of the cuneiform script. Diplomatic person-
nel and interested amateurs sent their respective governments Assyrian re-
liefs and colossi, cylinder seals, etc.
In the last 25 years of the 1800s, great expeditions from France,
England, America, and Germany began. The French started in 1842; their
excavations at Telloh (1877), the American's at Nippur (1889), and the Ger-
man's at Asshur (1903) yielded many 10s of thousands of tablets which
shed light on nearly every phase and aspect of Mesopotamian civilization.
After World War I came the period when the deep south and the region be-
yond the Tigris began to yield their information.
Once the process was begun, the deciphering took over 50 years.
This is because the pioneers were faced with 3 rather different systems of
cuneiform writing: Old Persian; Elamite; and Babylonian, with some texts in
2 or even all 3 languages. Those working to decipher this writing included:
G. Grotefend; Anquetil du Perron; I. R. C. Rask; E. Burnouf;
H. Rawlinson; J. Oppert; N. L. Westergaard; E. Norris;
F. H. Weissbach; I. Lowenstern; and E. Hincks.
J. Oppert gets the credit for first naming the Sumerian civilization.
The Semitic character of Akkadian proved both a boon and a draw-
back. While it stimulated interest in the newly discovered Semitic lan-
guage when the cuneiform tests started to reveal historical material bea-
ring directly on the Bible, this attitude overshadowed appreciation and in-
vestigation of Akkadian as a language with quite unique and distinct cha-
racteristics, and of Mesopotamian civilization as an integrated whole.
Besides the linguistic approach to the study of Assyria, there is the
field of cultural anthropology Very little understanding has been achieved
so far in this field. The vast subject of social institutions has hardly been
touched, and the social and economic structure remains obscure. The
field of religion remains largely unknown and only barely explored. So
much data has been amassed on all these subjects, that a period dedica-
ted solely to digesting and coordinating this material would be a blessing.
ASTONISHMENT (שמה; sham mah; ekotasiV, (ek o ta sis); qamboV,
(tham bos)) tham bos) In the Bible, it is a reaction of humans to an act of
God within history.
Astonishment in the Old Testament combines wonder, dread, and
horror, brought on by an expected divine act. It is awakened by the “other-
worldly,” by an act of God which man cannot understand, and by a turn of
divine purpose seemingly dissonant with the past. A person who has been
visited by Yahweh in judgment becomes an object of horror, and astonish-
ment comes when one is confronted by a jealous God.
In the New Testament, it is aroused by Jesus Christ; it contains the
element of surprise, of being met by the unexpected, and of dread. In the
New Testament, astonishment includes not only dread, but also fascination
and attraction. The moment of dread before God is overcome in the love
and submission of faith.
ASTROLOGER (אשף (ash shawf); הברי שמים (hoe beh ray shaw mah
yeem), dividers of the heavens)
The longing to ascertain what the future has in store for the indivi-
dual or society gave rise to the pseudoscience of astrology. The heavenly
bodies were minutely observed by the Babylonian and Egyptian astrolo-
gers in the belief that conjunctions foretold future events that will take place
on earth. Astrology, to judge from the evidence of the Old Testament, was
unknown and generally disregarded in ancient Israel. All references to it re-
fer exclusively to the Babylonian practice. The earliest horoscope in Meso-
potamia dates from 410 B. C.; the earliest horoscopes in Egypt are from the
reign of Augustus. “Astrology” as a designation for the art based on the re-
lationship between the celestial bodies and earthly events was not officially
at home in Israel.
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ASTRONOMY. The sum total of elementary observations of celestial phenome-
na found in the Bible can be summed up briefly. The sun was fashioned
and placed in the firmament on the 4th day of creation, to light the earth in
daytime and to regulate the seasons. The moon was also fashioned and
placed in the firmament on the 4th day of creation, to light the earth in the
nighttime and to regulate the seasons. Its light is represented as indepen-
dent of the sun, and its movement as being controlled entirely by God's will.
The standard calendar in Israel was lunar, and the major seasonal festivals
of spring and fall commenced at full moon.
Eclipses of the sun and the moon may be alluded to in the expres-
sions “to become dark, to be darkened.” Stars are created by God; their
multitude is mentioned in Genesis and their height in Job. Star worship
was explicitly forbidden. As to constellations, there is a clear reference
to Orion and the Pleiades. There are several far less certain references to
constellations in Job, Chapters 9, 37, and 38.
The deficient nature of Egyptian arithmetic acted as a retarding
force on the development of astronomy. The Egyptian year consisted of
12 months of 30 days each; to the total of 360 days, 5 were added at the
end of each year. The 12 months were divided into the inundation, win-
ter and summer seasons. The calendar's origin seems to be from obser-
ving the fairly close coincidence of the Nile's annual rising with the rising
of Sirius. Lunar calendars were in use for liturgical purposes.
25 civil years are almost equal to 309 lunar months. Until the
Greek period there is no evidence of an Egyptian zodiac. However, the
year is divided into 36 “decans,” which corresponds to 10 days, 10 de-
grees of the ecliptic, and represents a star or groups of stars which rise
at a specific hour of the night during that particular 10 day period. The
day was divided into 24 hours, 12 for the time of daylight and 12 for night.
The Greeks modified this by making the hours of equal, 60 minute lengths.
Our knowledge of Mesopotamian astronomy comes mostly from
texts found in Uruk and Babylon. The first texts based on observation
date from 1650 B.C. One ancient period conceived the universe as 8 con-
centric circles with the moon in the center. Around 700 B. C., texts copied
from an older period mention fixed stars, planets, the moon, the seasons,
etc. From these and other texts, it is safe to assume that Babylonian
astronomers used the zodiac of 12 times 30 degrees as a reference sys-
tem for solar and planetary motion, and a fixed luni-solar calendar. They
also probably used some of the basic period relations for the moon, the
planets, and had an empirical insight into lunar and planetary movement
and the varying lengths of day and night.
It seems that from the beginning the Mesopotamian calendar has
been lunar at all times. The beginning of the month was counted from
the beginning of the new moon. The length of the month varied between
slightly over 29 days to nearly 30 days. Because the lunar and solar year
had a different number of days in them, a periodic adjustment of a 13th
month became necessary, and was achieved by royal decree; Hammura-
bi is known to have done this. The Mesopotamian scribes had 2 very com-
plex and precise tables explaining the variations of the length of the lunar
month. They could accurately predict a lunar eclipse, but could only an
swer whether a solar eclipse was possible or impossible. The planetary
theory of the Mesopotamian scribes seemed to be modeled after the lunar
tables.
ASTYAGES (AstuagaV ) The last ruler of the Median Empire (585-550); son
of Cyaxares. He helped make peace by marrying Aryenis, the daughter of
Alyattes king of Lydia. His daughter Mandane married Cambyses I; Asty-
ages' grandson Cyrus grew up with a shepherd and his wife after being ex-
posed. Cyrus turned against his grandfather, as did his general Harpa-
gus, whose son Astyages murdered. In the 2nd battle between the Medes
and the Persians, Astyages was made prisoner.
ASUPPIM (אספים) The name is correctly rendered as the temple “store-
house,” and not as a proper name.
ASYNCRITUS (AsugkritoV ) A Christian greeted by Paul in Romans.
ATAD (אטד, thorn) A place in Canaan, perhaps between Jericho and the
Dead Sea, where Jacob's funeral cortege stopped on its way to Hebron.
The Egyptians observed seven-days mourning; as a result, this place
received the additional name Abel-mizraim.
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ATARAH (or wreath) Jerahmeel's 2nd wife o ; mother of Onam.
ATARGATIS (AtargatiV ) The great female deity of the Aramaeans, con-
sort of Hadad. Her name is a compound of Atar (i. e. Ishtar or Astarte)
and Attah (a male deity otherwise unknown). In origin, she is one of the
mother-goddesses of Asia Minor; she had castrated priests and a throne
mounted on lions. After her adoption by the Syrians, she acquired many
of the Babylonian Ishtar's traits. She had temples in many other Near
Eastern places. Her temple at Carnaim in Gilead is mentioned in Macca-
bees as the scene of a slaughter by Judas Maccabeus of the inhabitants
who had fled to it for refuge. In the Greek world, her cult was carried as
far west as Britain.
ATAROTH (עטרות, crown, wreath) 1. One of the towns requested by the
tribes of Reuben and Gad for their possession, around 13 km northwest of
Dibon and 16 km east of the Dead Sea. 2. One of the boundary towns
of the tribe of Ephraim, located on its eastern border.
ATAROTH-ADDAR (עטרות אדר, glorious crown) A town on the boundary
between Ephraim and Benjamin. There is confusion and disagreement as
to the location of this town.
ATER (אטר, crippled one, left-handed one) The head of a family that re-
turned to Palestine after the Exile. Some of the family were gatekeepers,
and Ater alone is mentioned as one who sealed Ezra's covenant.
ATHACH (עתך) A city in southern Shephelah to which David sent part of the
booty taken from the Amalekites.
ATHAIAH (עתיה) A man of Judah; son of Uzziah; included in the list of post-
exilic inhabitants of Jerusalem.
ATHALIAH (עתליה, Yahweh is great, exalted) 1. Jehoram's wife, king of
Judah; daughter of Ahab and Jezebel; granddaughter of Omri; mother of
Ahaziah. She reigned over Judah for 6 years, around 842-837 B.C. She
represents a northern intrusion into the otherwise uninterrupted Davidic
dynasty in Judah. She became as zealous and capable a proponent of
Baal-Melkart as her infamous mother.
Athaliah's son was killed during a palace coup while visiting the
north. She destroyed all surviving male heirs and managed to stay on the
throne for 6 years—a tribute to her cold-blooded competence. She was
deposed and slain by Jehoiada the priest, through mercenary soldiers and
an infant son Joash of Ahaziah whom he and his wife had hidden and se-
cretly reared. The priest then presided over a covenant between Yahweh,
king and people. The populace was badly split between the Baalist and
Yahwist party.
2. One of the sons of Jeroham from the genealogy of Benjamin.
3. Jeshaiah's father, head of Elam's sons who returned with Ezra.
3. Jeshaiah's father, head of Elam's sons who returned with Ezra.
ATHARIAS (AtqariaV (at thar ee as) An official title of Judah's Persian
governor.
ATHARIM (האתרים) The way along which the Israelites under Moses were
marching at the time they were attacked by the king of Arad.
ATHBASH (אתבש) A Hebrew cryptographic scheme in which the letters of
the alphabet in reverse were substituted (The English equivalent would be
substituting “zxyw” for “abcd”). The word is constructed by the first, the
last, the second, and the second from last letters of the Hebrew alphabet.
The use of Athbash is recognized in the Talmud, Midrashim, and Kabbala.
ATHENS (Aqhnai (ath ay nah ee) The chief city of the ancient district of
Attica. The name of the city was probably derived from that of the god-
dess Athena. Paul visited Athens and spoke in the synagogue, in the mar-
ket place, and in the Areopagus; but he established no church there.
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Discovery of Neolithic pottery on the Acropolis shows there was a set-
tlement at this place in the Late Stone Age (before 3000 B.C.). In the Late
Bronze Age (around 1600-around 1100) the Acropolis was a strongly forti-
fied citadel. At the beginning of the 500s B.C., Solon the Lawgiver is credi-
ted with doing much to establish the democratic organization of Athens. In
northwestern Athens, the foundations of the oldest known public buildings
and sanctuaries were discovered, buildings which included the predecessor
of the Old Bouleuterion (council building), and the archaic Temple of Apollo;
in the mid-500s, law courts and an executive committee building were built.
At the end of the 500s came the democratic reforms of Kleisthenes.
The Boule or advisory council was increased to 500 persons, 50 from each
of the 10 tribes into which Kleisthenes also divided the people of the state.
In each of ten periods of the year, fifty councilors served as Prytanes, or
presidents of the council, and met continuously as an executive committee.
At the beginning of the 400s, Athens was enclosed by a strong wall,
which was constructed or repaired by Themistocles around 525-460 be-
cause of the threat of a Persian invasion. By the time the Persians actually
destroyed Athens in 480/479, the Older Parthenon and the Old Propylea
had already been founded on the Acropolis. When the Persians were dri-
ven away, an extensive program of rebuilding and of new building was in-
stituted. Under Pericles (461-429), the famous Parthenon and Propylea
were erected, and the Erechtheion was built soon afterward. Meanwhile
Pheidias (died around 432) and his pupils further beautified the city with a
wealth of friezes and a forest of statues. At this time, Athens had reached
its glorious age.
In the 300s, the financial minister of Athens, Lycurgus (338-326)
was probably responsible for what we know as the Dipylon, the building
of the earliest known stadium at Athens, and the Theater of Dionysus. In
the Hellenistic period the Syrian king Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175-164)
rebuilt the Temple of Olympian Zeus; King Attalus II of Pergamum (159-
138) gave the large Stoa of Attalus, which still stands on the east side of
the ruins of the Agora.
The sack of Athens by the Roman general Sulla in 86 B.C. did da-
mage chiefly to private quarters, and in the reign of Augustus (27 B.C.-14
A.D.), new public buildings were added. By the time of Augustus, the old
Agora was filled with buildings, and accordingly a new Roman Agora was
laid out a short distance to the east. The ruins of a large structure just
north of the Augustan Market are identified as the Stoa and Library of Ha-
drian (117-138 A.D.).
ATHLAI (עתלי, Yahweh is exalted) One of those compelled to put away their
foreign wives in Ezra's time.
ATONEMENT (כפר, kaw far) From the phrase “at one”; to be “at one” with
someone is to be in harmonious personal relationship with someone.
Originally “atonement” meant “reconciliation,” but in modern usage “atone-
ment” means the process by which the hindrances to reconciliation are
removed. In the Old Testament (OT) the word “atonement” occurs fre-
quently, and especially in relation to sacrifice. In the New Testament (NT),
the word is largely absent, but the idea the word seeks to express is con-
stantly present. The Bible assumes that humans are estranged from
God, and solely responsible for that alienation, due to their disobedience.
The barrier raised by humankind’s past sins must be removed.
In the ritual of the Day of Atonement the first of the 2 goats is slain,
but the second is driven out into the wilderness, laden with the sins of the
people. Not only can the live scapegoat make atonement, but also the of-
fering of money for the temple may be an offering “to make atonement for
yourselves.” So, usually it is humans who must make atonement to God,
but sometimes it is God who is said “to make atonement,” to pardon or for-
give.
There is a difference in sacrifice between “propitiating”—appeasing
God in God's anger—and expiating or atoning—removing the hindrance to
a person's right relationship with God. Since it's God who sometimes
“makes atonement,” and since it was God who provided sacrifice as the
means by which his forgiveness could be obtained, we should be reluctant
to say 2 things: 1st, that sacrifice was merely a human device for overco-
ming God's reluctance to forgive; and 2nd, that the hindrance to reconcilia-
tion lies in God's reluctance to forgive. Sacrifice, therefore, should proba-
bly be interpreted as an way to remove the barrier of sin.
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In the NT, atonement is related entirely to Jesus Christ and his
coming to earth, and especially with his death upon the cross. The NT de-
clares that in Christ and his death is all that one needs in order to find his
sins forgiven. The NT assumes the human need of being put right with
God, and their own helplessness to put themselves right, whether Jews or
Gentiles.
The cause of human estrangement from God is human sin and per-
sistent disobedience to God's will. God stands ready to forgive and to heal
the penitent sinner. But where humans continue deliberately and defiantly
in their wrongdoing, God by his very nature can't be complacent, but or-
dains dreadful penalties as a consequence of sin. What God does not do
is hold aloof in cold contempt from sinners, or turn from them with implaca-
ble resentment. Especially in the coming of Jesus, God's purpose was to
seek and save the lost.
The atoning work of Christ is particularly associated with his death
on the cross. “We were reconciled to God by the death of God's Son” (Ro-
mans 5.10). The New Covenant, the possibility of a new relationship be-
tween human and God is in Christ's blood, inaugurated and made effec-
tive in his self-giving on the cross. This utter self-giving of Christ, even in
death, is the means of a person's return to God. This access, is ours only
“through our faith in Christ.” (Eph. 3.12).
This new means of atonement is proclaimed as the gift of God to
humans. Christ's coming to earth and his self-giving on the cross for hu-
man sin are God's doing. The immediate consequence of atonement is
that the humans' relationship with God is restored. All kinds of other
good things come from this: a cleansed conscience, new moral power,
and freedom from the self's tyranny. The NT does not explain how Christ
is able to cancel out the effects of human sin and reconcile them to God.
It is content to affirm the truth of it with an abundance of metaphors.
The atoning power of Christ’s death is frequently expressed in
terms taken from Judaism’s sacrificial practices. The “blood” of Christ is
actually Christ’s life as it is yielded up to God in complete obedience to
God's will. It's the task of theologians to decide whether this metaphor
implies that Christ's death is best understood as a sacrifice to God, or
whether they declare that what the Jews sought to achieve by sacrifice
was accomplished in Christ.
The Lamb of God is also understood as sacrificial. If Jesus is thought of as the paschal (Passover) lamb, his death heralds our great
deliverance from bondage, and his blood delivers us from destruction
and secures our salvation. Or he can be thought of as the goat re-
leased into the wilderness, taking away our sins in the process. Jesus
giving “his life as a ransom for many” is taken literally by some to mean
that his life was an agreed price for human freedom from bondage to
Satan. Or it could be just a vivid metaphor by which our Lord declares
his purpose of setting all free from their present bondage. Redemption
is also used as a metaphor for the forgiveness of sins.
There is disagreement over certain Greek words which can mean
propitiation (appeasement) or expiation (barrier removal). The words as
used by pagan Greeks mean propitiation. When they are used in trans-
lating the OT from Hebrew to Greek, they mean expiation and forgive-
ness. There is no clear case for insisting that any of these words in its
NT context implies that God's anger needs to be placated by Christ's
sacrifice on the Cross. Using “bought” as a metaphor for atonement may
be thought of not as the means of freeing us from sin, but rather as con-
firmation of the fact that we belong utterly to God.
It is sin which has created the need for atonement, because sin,
besides corrupting the heart and deadening the conscience, causes peo-
ple to be estranged from God, separated from God by an unseen barrier.
This barrier of separation God in Christ has broken down. Neither the
church nor the NT offers a precise explanation of how this was done, but
both agree that God has prepared the way by which all may be recon-
ciled to God, through the At-onement offered in Christ.
ATONEMENT, DAY OF (כפרים (ה) יום , yome kip poor) The great annual
fast day of Judaism, the 10th day of Tishri, described in Leviticus, on
which, when the temple stood, the high priest entered the holy of holies
to atone for the sins of all Israel; now known as Yom Kippur.
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The annual Day of Atonement is the only fast day prescribed in the
Mosaic Law. Although it developed late in Judaism, it played a formative
and influential role in all of Judaism. In the New Testament (NT), the pas-
sion narratives, the Letter to the Hebrews, and the writings of Paul are all
in various ways under its impact. This vitality helps also explain the fact
that the Day of Atonement survived the temple's destruction, even though
its rites epitomized the sacrificial system. The function of the sprinkling of
blood and of the dismissal of the scapegoat was the same: to cleanse
Israel, its priesthood, and its temple from sin's pollution.
The whole exilic and postexilic period of Judaism was increasingly
troubled by the people's sinfulness and the holy justice of God. This pro-
duced an intense mood of moral and legal obligation in the rabbinic com-
munity. In the priestly movement, it led to new developments in worship
so that contrition, confession, and especially propitiation became increa-
singly prominent.
The Old Testament (OT) references to the Day of Atonement are
confined to the Priestly writings. As is true of the rituals as a whole, we
are told Moses instituted it. The death of Nadab and Abihu serves as a
warrant for the Day. Ezekiel provided the climate in which the Day of
Atonement could develop. But the Day as described in Leviticus doesn't
seem to exist. The observances in Ezekiel are very likely to be thought of
as New Year ceremonies.
We must conclude that while a day of atonement was emerging,
the Day of Leviticus didn't yet exist. Special fast days were becoming in-
creasingly frequent, but in even in the days of Nehemiah, the Day was not
yet generally recognized, but only by the temple priesthood. It seems pro-
bable that the Day began as a priestly rite of propitiation that became a
day of penitence and atonement for all.
Preparation for the Day of Atonement began on the first day of the
month. The day itself began on the evening of the ninth day. The strict
abstinence included eating, drinking, washing, anointing, putting on san-
dals, and marital intercourse.
The preparation of the high priest was intense. 7 days before the
Fast, he left his home to take up residence in his temple apartment. He
officiated at the daily burnt offering and rehearsed the solemn rites he
was to perform on the Great Day. On the eve of the Day he ate very lightly,
for he was to maintain an all-night vigil. During the night, younger priests
kept him awake by reading. In the morning, having bathed and in his
finest array, he offered the burnt offering which was elaborate on this day.
There seemed to be 3 distinct rites of atonement: the sacrifice for
the priests; the sacrifice for the people; and the scapegoat. The sacrifice
for his house was a young bull. Before slaying it, the priest placed his
hands on its head and confessed his sins and the sins of his house. At
this point, the Lord's name “Yahweh” is pronounced. Saying “Yahweh”
here continued long after the priest or the people stopped saying it any-
where else. With incense and the blood of the slain bull the high priest
enters the holy of holies. He set the smoking censer on the poles in the
ark. He then took the blood and sprinkled blood on the mercy seat once,
and 7 times he spattered the ark with blood in front, to “cover” the pollu-
tion of the sins of the priests.
The sacrifice for the people's atonement was a goat chosen by a
lot which said “to the Lord,” from 2 identical specimens. This goat was
slaughtered; its blood was used to sprinkle the ark 7 times. Then, the
bull's blood, the goat's blood and a combination of the 2 were sprinkled on
various instruments of the ritual, thereby ridding them of Israel's unclean-
ness. While the blood was made holy by the Lord in sacrifice, it was not
holy otherwise and was sold for fertilizer.
The other of the 2 goats was “for Azazel” and had a red ribbon tied
to it. If the blood sacrifices of the bull and the goat effected the removal of
Israel's pollution of the instruments and altars in its holy place, the scape-
goat rite “For Azazel” serves to remove the guilt of the people themselves.
After the confession of sins on the people's behalf, accompanied by laying
on of hands, the high priest turned the goat over to a man appointed to
lead him away; the people participated in the goat's departure, one of
which was urging it to be gone.
At the edge of a cliff, the attendant tied an end of the scarlet thread
around the goat's neck to a rock and then pushed it over the cliff to its
death. The announcement of the completion of the rite was relayed to the
temple by stations set up along the route. This ended the rites of the Day
of Atonement. The priest made a burnt offering and then went home to
celebrate with his friends. The people danced and rejoiced.
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moment of renewal that permeated all Israel and united it in a solemn joy.
On this day, it was said, for 3 hours Satan does not accuse Israel before
God. It was a moment when the covenant relationship was pure and
God's intervention was anticipated. The Day of Atonement was the most
solemn expression of faith and worship developed by the priestly move-
ment in postexilic Judaism.
In its basic outlook it was profoundly theocentric, and its central
function as to mediate the grace of God in forgiveness and redeeming
action. Since the rituals were elaborate and meticulously performed,
there was a danger that they would be performed for their own sake. In
Israel, the blood's effectiveness in mediating forgiveness did not depend
on any “magical power;” it depended on the people's faith that God had
chosen to use it. Likewise, in the New Covenant, the blood of Christ
avails, not because it is human blood, but because it is the blood of God's
chosen one.
ATROTH-BETH-JOAB (יאב עטרות בית, crowns (sheepfolds) of the house
of Joab) A village near Bethlehem, listed as one of the “descendants” of
Judah. The location is unknown.
ATROTH-SHOPHAN (עטרת שופן) A city built by the Gadites in the terri-
tory conquered from Sihon. It was probably on a lofty hill about 2.7 km
NE of the site of Ataroth, so located as to protect the latter.
ATTAI (עתי, timely) 1. Son of Jarha, an Egyptian slave belonging to She-
shan; father of Nathan; mentioned in the genealogy of Jeraheel.
2. 6th in the list of warriors from Gad who went over to David at Ziklag.
3. One of the sons of Rehoboam by his favorite wife, Maacah.
ATTALIA ('Attaleia (at ta lay ah) A harbor city on Asia Minor's southwest
coast. Attalia was founded by and named after Attalus II of Pergamum
(159-138 B.C.) to be the chief outlet on the coast of Asia Minor. Frag-
ments of the Hellenistic defenses can still be seen in the surviving medi-
eval city walls of what is now Antalya. The most impressive ancient land-
mark is a triple gate built by Hadrian.
ATTHARIAS (Attarath (at ta ra tah)) An official, named with Nehemiah, as
giving orders to the priests among the returning exiles.
AUGURY (נחש, nakh ash) A form of Divination. The term properly refers to
the practice of the Greeks and Romans of foretelling future events by the
flight, chattering, or singing of bird
AUGUSTAN COHORT (opeira Sebasth, o pay ra se bas te) A term of
disputed meaning. Inscriptions attest to the presence of an Augustan co-
hort in Syria after 6 A.D. and at Batanea in the time of Agrippa II (around
50-100 A.D.), which is the one Acts 27 is probably referring to.
We may suppose 2 things about Luke: that he was aware of the
fact that one of the five auxiliary cohorts stationed in Caesarea bore the
honorary name of Augusta; and that he uses the name less to define
Julius than to promote the prestige of Paul by placing him in “Augustan”
custody. The Roman troops stationed in Caesarea were for the most
part local people from Caesarea and Samaria, known locally as Sebaste.
There is confusion and controversy over whether Luke confused
Sebastene (of Sebaste) with Sebaste (Augustan). It is this article's con-
clusion that Luke is concerned with the prestige which falls upon Paul
from the bright imperial name of Augustus, so that the weight falls wholly
on the fact Paul was put in the charge of a Roman centurion, of the Augu-
stan cohort, Julius by name.
AUGUSTUS (AugoustoV (aw goo stos); born September 23, 63 B.C., died
August 19, 14 A.D.) The title given by the Roman Senate on January 16,
27 B.C. to Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus, founder of the Roman Empire
and ruler of the Mediterranean world at the time of Jesus' birth. The title
means “reverend” and in Greek bears implications of divinity. Others
used the title, but as a name it refers to its most famous bearer. (See also
entry in the Old Testament Apocrypha/ Influences Outside the Bible sec-
tion of the Appendix.).
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AUTHOR OF LIFE (ArchgoV (ar ke gos) ) An expression referring to Jesus.
The Greek word for author is also translated “leader” and “pioneer.” In
Acts 3, Christ is recognized as the author or founder of a new life.
AUTHORITY (שלט (shel ate), exousia (ex oo see ah)) In the Bible, autho-
rity is closely connected with power, though usually, but not always, distin-
guished from it. It covers the actual possession or use of power, the legal
or moral right to exercise it, the place it can be exercised, and its source.
The focus of biblical usage is in the authority which belongs to God alone,
all other authority being subordinate to and deriving from it.
In the Old Testament, it is used of the seizure or exercise of political
power; it can be distinguished as the legal right rather than the power to
do a thing. When these ideas are applied to God, it is seen that his autho-
rity is absolute. But in God's steadfast love, God has imparted some au-
thority to the natural order (the sun “rules” the day, the moon and stars the
night.) The relationship of human authorities to the absolute divine autho-
rity is in the mutual relationships of king, priest, and prophet and judge.
Surrounding peoples regarded their kings as divine beings. But in
Israel and Judah, the power of the monarch was always recognized as
part, and not the supreme part, of a manifold delegation of authority by
God. Kings must rule in righteousness, judges deal justly, and priests
must make due expiation for sin. The watchman over all was the prophet,
bound to no earthly master, God's servant only, speaking with divine autho-
rity judgments on church and state alike.
In Jesus Christ there has been a new disclosure of what divine au-
thority is like. As the incarnate Son of God he taught with authority, saying
not “Thus saith the Lord,” but “I say to you.” He claimed to have the autho-
rity of life and death over himself, which rightly belonged to God alone. He
gave his followers rights as sons of God, which they would not otherwise
possess. Even his trial showed that his sentence by human authorities
was within the authority of God.
The New Testament claims all other authority is subordinate to
God's authority. The authority of the human magistrate, and even the au-
thority of the whole world of supernatural beings, including Satan, were
entirely subordinate to God. Christ gave to his followers his own authority
to forgive sins, heal diseases, expel demons, and to proclaim the coming
of the kingdom.
AVEN (און, wickedness) A term used in Hosea, in the phrase “high places of
Aven.” This phrase is probably a figure of speech referring to the pagan
sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel. Hosea was calling the high places wicked
and implying a comparison with other well-known and idolatrous shrines.
AVENGER OF BLOOD (גואל הדם (go el had dam), redeemer of blood) The
kinsman of a slain man who, as his redeemer, was duty bound to claim
back his life from the slayer by killing him.
In societies that lack a strong central authority, the defense of pri-
vate property and life is the task of the kinship group. If a person is slain,
his kin take vengeance for him upon the slayer, or on one or more of the
slayer's kinship group. This in turn may give rise to counter-vengeance,
a blood feud is set in motion, sometimes terminating only with the extinc-
tion of a family.
In biblical Israel, kinship's sovereignty was just beginning to be
superseded by communal authority. Biblical law still recognizes the kins-
man as responsible for prosecuting homicide, but only “a life for a life,”
and only on the actual culprit. Moreover, the law seeks to control the re-
deemer through the agency of the asylum, which protects the culprit and
allows community-justice systems to become involved.
Once they are involved, the redeemer has no further say in the mat-
ter. If the culprit is found guilty, the redeemer may carry out sentence, but
he isn’t free to pardon or accept money instead. Under the monarchy, it
appears the king had the power to intervene and grant immunity to a sla-
yer from actions of the avenger. The kinsman's duty of redeeming blood
isn't to be confused with persons in authority undertaking to remove impu-
ted bloodguilt (e.g. David's execution of Ishbosheth's assassins, and Solo-
mon's execution of Joab.)
AVITH (עוית, ruins) Hadad's home in Edom, he was King Bedad's son. Ha-
dad apparently became king as a result of his father's defeating Midia-
nites in Moab.
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AVVA (עוא, overturn) One of the towns from which colonists were sent to Sa-
maria to replace the Israelite natives deported after the city's capture in
722 B.C.
AVVIM (העוים, overturned) 1. An aboriginal people of the Canaanites, who
lived in villages near Gaza, and were destroyed by the Philistines. 2. A
city in Benjamin, located near Bethel.
AWL (מרצע (mar tsay ‘ah); σουβλί (soo blee)) An instrument mentioned in
connection with piercing the ear lobe to mark one who voluntarily took a
vow of perpetual slavery. It might be made of wood, bone, flint, or metal
and was a very common tool beginning with the Stone Age.
AWNING (מכשה (mik seh), to cover, conceal, spread over) Literally, covering
and perhaps a reference to the deck awning used to cover the ship's pas-
sengers from the sun.
AXE (גרזן (gar zen); מעצד (mah ats awd); axinh (ax ee nay)) A cutting
tool placed on a shaft, usually of wood, and used for work in wood and
stone; it also saw use as a weapon. The axe blade was parallel to the
shaft, which distinguishes it from the adze, whose cutting edge is perpen-
dicular to the shaft, and the mattock, which was a combination of axe and
adze, or sometimes pick and axe.
The axe was one of the earliest tools invented by humans, the head
being made of bone, ivory, flint, or stone, before the advent of metal. The
use of the axe as a weapon in the Bible may be inferred from Judges 9,
where Abimelech and his men cut brushwood with axes probably doing
double duty as tool and weapon, to burn the stronghold of Shechem.
AYYAH (עיה) One of the towns which were the possession of Ephraim. It
could be the same as the town of "Ai," or it could be located less than 1
mile from Ai.
AZAL (אצל) It is found in Zechariah 14 and was once translated as the name
of an unidentified city. The word is now translated as “the side of it.”
AZALIAH (אצלהו, Yahu has set apart) The father of Shaphan, Josiah's
secretary, who figured prominently in the publication of the celebrated
Book of the Law.
AZANIAH (אזניה, Yahu has heard) A Levite; the father of Jeshua, a witness
to the covenant.
AZAREL (עזראל, God has helped) 1. A Korahite warrior who came over to
David at Ziklag. 2. A musician among the sons of Heman at the time of
David. 3. Son of Jeroham; leader of the tribe of Dan under David.
4. One of the sons of Binnui who married a foreign wife. 5. A priest;
the father of Amashai, who came to live in Jerusalem after the Exile.
6. A priest; a trumpeter in the procession at the dedication of Jerusalem's
wall.
AZARIAH (עזריה, Yahweh has helped) 1. Alternate (probably personal)
name for Uzziah, king of Judah.
2. Son of Nathan, or possibly nephew of Solomon, who was in
charge of the 12 officers that administered the kingdom's 12 districts. He
probably saw to the prompt delivery of provisions to the royal household.
3. The prophet who encouraged Asa, king of Judah, to undertake a
religious reform.
4. Son of Judah's king Jehoshaphat, who was slain when their
elder brother, Jehoram, became king.
5. A high official under Solomon; son of Zadok & brother of Ahimaaz.
6. High priest under Uzziah, who led the priests who opposed the
6. High priest under Uzziah, who led the priests who opposed the
king's exercise of the priestly office.
7. High priest under Hezekiah, who prepared storerooms for the con-
tribution of the people.
8. A priest included in the list of those who lived in Jerusalem after
the Exile; son of Hilkiah and probably chief officer of the House of God.
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9. There are 3 uses of this name in the Chroniclers list of high
priests which might be in reference to some of those priests listed above,
but they cannot be reliably identified with any specific person.
10. An ancestor of Heman the musician among the Kohathite Levites
and the father of Joel.
11. The father of a Kohathite named Joel in the time of Hezekiah.
12. A man of Judah; son of Ethan as listed in the genealogy of
Zerah.
13. A man of Judah; son of Jehu and grandson of Obed as listed in
the genealogy of Jerahmeel's sons.
14. A Judahite army officer; son of Obed. He took an active part in
the conspiracy to overthrow Athaliah and make Joash king.
15. An officer who conspired to overthrow Athaliah; son of Jeroham.
The name is probably not the same as the previous entry, since they have
different fathers.
16. A chieftain of Ephraim; son of Johanan; among those who per-
suaded Pekah to release captives.
17. Son of Jehallelel; a Merarite Levite in the time of Hezekiah.
18. Son Hoshaiah; one of the opponents of the prophet Jeremiah in
the Old Testament's Greek version.
19. A Levite who instructed the people in their understanding of the
Law in the time of Ezra.
20. A priest included among those who set their seal to the cove-
nant in the time of Nehemiah.
21. A man of Jerusalem who repaired the wall beside his house; son
of Maaseiah.
22. A group leader in the postexilic period; listed among those who
returned with Zerubbabel. In the parallel list he is replaced by Seraiah.
23. A prince or priest of Judah, among those who marched at the
of Jerusalem’s rebuilt wall.
24. The original name, in Hebrew, of Abednego, one of the compa-
nions of Daniel.
AZAZ (עזז, strong) The father of Bela in the genealogy of Reuben.
AZAZEL (עזאזל, scapegoat) The scapegoat dispatched on the Day of Atone-
ment is described as being consigned “to/for Azazel.” There are 3 interpre-
tation of this term. 1st, it characterizes the animal itself, and stands for the
goat that departs (i.e (e)scape-goat). 2nd, it describes the place to which
the animal was dispatched, where aza means “rugged place” or cliff where
the goat is led. 3rd, it is the name of a demon inhabiting the desert.
AZAZIAH (עזזיה, Yahu is strong, or Yahu strengthens) 1. A Levitical musi-
cian in David's provision for the Jerusalem temple. 2. The father of Ho-
shea, the Ephraimite commander under David. 3. An officer of the 3rd
rank in the temple during Hezekiah's time.
AZBUK (עזבוק, strength exhausted) The father of a certain Nehemiah who
took part in the rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem after the Exile.
AZEKAH (עזקה, hoed ground (?)) A fortress city to the South of the Aijalon
Valley, dominating the passage into the valley of Elah, about 14 km north
of Beit Jibrin and 24 km northwest of Hebron, halfway between Jerusalem
and the Mediterranean Sea. Ruins of its wall and towers can be seen on
the top of Tell Ez Zakariyeh. To the east of the tell is Khirbet el-Alami,
which may be the site of Azekah in the Byzantine period.
Azekeh was one of the places to which Joshua chased remnants of
the Canaanite coalition after raising the siege of Gibeon. It was one of
those cities whose fortifications were strengthened by Rehoboam after the
revolt of the northern kingdom. The citadel was a heavily fortified enclo-
sure on the highest point of the hill on which Azekah was built. It was one
of the last of Judah's fortified cities to fall to Nebuchadnezzar's forces be-
fore the Jerusalem siege. After the Exile, Azekah was reoccupied by
Jewish returnees.
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AZEL (אצל, noble) Eleasah’s son, and 1 of the descendants of Jonathan,
Saul’s son. He was the father of 6 sons.
AZGAD (עזגד, Gad is strong) The head of a family that returned to Palestine
after the Exile. Over 100 male members of this family returned with Ezra.
Azgad was one of those who signed Ezra's covenant.
AZIEL (עזיאל, strength) A minor Levite among the harp players when the ark
was brought to Jerusalem .
AZIZA (עזיזא, the strong one) One of those forced to put away their foreign
wives in the time of Ezra.
AZMAVETH (עזמות, strength of death) 1. One of David's heroes, part of the
company known as the 30. Also, he could be the father of Jeziel and Pelet,
2 of the ambidextrous slingers and archers from the tribe of Benjamin who
joined David's outlaw band at Ziklag.
2. Son of Jehoaddah; one of the descendants of the family of Saul.
3. Son of Adiel. He was in charge of the royal treasuries under
David in Jerusalem.
4. A town identified with modern Hizmeh, 9 km north northeast of
Jerusalem. 42 men from there came back from Babylon with Zerubba-
bel, and some of their singers took part in the dedication of Jerusalem's
wall.
AZMON (עצמון, strong) A place on the southern border of Judah; its exact
location is now uncertain. It was the last town to the west before the river
of Egypt.
AZNOTH-TABOR (אזנות תבור (summits) of Tabor) A point on the Naph-
tali’s southern border, near Mt. Tabor.
AZOR (Azwr) An ancestor of Jesus.
AZRIEL (עזריאל, God is my help) 1. One of the chieftains or heads of fami
lies in the half-tribe of Manasseh. 2. The father of Jeremoth, who was
head of Naphtali under David. 3. The father of Seraiah at the time of
Jehoiakim.
AZRIKAM (עזריקם, my help has arisen) 1. Son of Azel; a descendant of
Saul and Jonathon in Benjamin's genealogy. 2. “Commander of the pa-
lace” under King Ahaz; slain in battle by Zichri, an Ephraimite warrior, pos-
sibly the same as 1. above. 3. Grandfather of Shemiah, Merarite Levite
dwelling in Jerusalem. 4. Son of Neariah; a postexilic descendant of
David of through Zerubbabel.
AZUBAH (עזובה, a forsaking (setting free?)) 1. The mother of Jehosha-
phat; daughter of Shilhi. 2. Wife of Caleb; mother of Jesher, Chobab,
and Ardon.
AZZAN (עזן, the god has shown strength) The father of the Issacharite lea-
der Paltiel, who was selected to help superintend the distribution of wes-
tern Jordanian Canaan among the tribes to occupy that territory.
AZZUR (עזור, helped(?)) 1. The father of Hananiah, a false prophet from Gi-
beon. 2. The father of Jaazaniah, an acquaintance of Ezekiel. 3. A
“chief of the people;” one of those who set their seal to the covenant.
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